Shugo-ryoukoku system

Japanese: 守護領国制 - しゅごりょうごくせい

A historical term indicating a stage in which the shugo's control over their provinces under the Muromachi shogunate made a certain progress.

[Mutsumi Tanuma]

Postwar Research History

In the history of postwar research, it started off with theoretical content related to the theory of feudal stages and periodization. In other words, based on the hypothesis put forward by Ishimoda Tadashi in his book The Formation of the Medieval World (written during the war and published in 1946) that the formation of shugo territories equaled the completion of regional feudalism, it was used as a concept to indicate the nature of the control of provinces and the power structure of the shugo, who were considered to be the organizers of decentralized feudalism.

Serious research into the shugoryokoku system was established in the early 1950s with works such as Nagahara Keiji's "Study on the Shugoryokoku System" and "The Form of the Feudal State in Japan" and Sato Shinichi's "Study on the Shugoryokoku System."

Nagahara presented the theory that the Muromachi Shogunate was a coalition government of shugo daimyo, while he focused on the kokujin feudal lord class, and attributed the immaturity of the feudal power structure of the shugo to the looseness of their subjugation of the shugo, presenting the viewpoint of transitional power. Sato also argued that the Muromachi Shogunate was a power built on the coalition of great shugo and the balance of power. Individual research was developed based on these theories, but in the 1960s new problems were raised from various directions. Based on these issues, Sato developed a theory of the shogunate that focused on the centripetal character and military and economic foundations of the shogun's power, and positioned the shugo's control of their territories as being subsumed within the dual nature of the shogun's power - master-vassal and governing power. This was a response to Fujiki Hisashi's criticism of the theory of the shugo territorial system without the power of the shogun, and it had a great influence on subsequent research. On the other hand, in terms of research into the manor system, Kurokawa Naonori and Oyama Kyohei verified that the shugo-ryokoku system did not negate the manor system, but rather maintained its fundamental order and coexisted with it. Furthermore, Nagahara raised interest in the kokujin lord class, who were positioned as the actual bearers of the shugo-ryokoku system, and through the accumulation of extensive research, a common understanding was formed that the kokujin lord system was the basic form of the Muromachi period lord system.

Based on these research findings, the question of what the shugo domain system was was raised anew. Fujiki, from the perspective of "what was the shugo position for the Sengoku daimyo?", positioned the essence of the shugo position as wide-area control gained through control of the Ōtabumi, and demonstrated the effectiveness of a method of looking at it from the period of collapse. Meanwhile, Nagahara viewed late medieval society in terms of the systemic concept of the daimyo domain system, which was based on the regional power of the kokujin lord class, and presented a perspective that encompassed both the shugo domain system and the Sengoku daimyo domain system. Kishida Hiroyuki's research into the historical formation process of the Mori clan domains can be said to correspond to Nagahara's theory. Thus, the understanding that the shugo domain system = regional decentralized feudalism is gradually being sublimated. However, there is an aspect to the way of rule that was cultivated by the shugo as a whole being passed down to the sengoku daimyo; in other words, there is an eye to research trends that seek to explore the continuities as well as the differences between the two powers of shugo daimyo and sengoku daimyo, and the current state of research into the shugo domain system is to analyze the actual situation while taking into account regional characteristics and differences.

[Mutsumi Tanuma]

Guardian's Dominion

Throughout the Nanboku-cho period, in addition to the Three Daibon Articles, the Shugo under the Muromachi Shogunate acquired the right to carry out missions, the right to deposit half-payments, the right to collect tax levies, and the right to dispose of land that was not under their control. This, combined with the succession of Shugo titles, secured the conditions for the expansion of control over their territories. However, within the country, the powers of various feudal lords were intertwined, making it difficult to unify power. Furthermore, in the Kinai region and surrounding areas, many Shugo did not have their own military or economic bases within the country. By the way, the method of subsuming the kokuga organization, which was the traditional administrative organization in the control of a province, by making them Shugodai or subordinates to Mokudai, was seen in both the East and the West. As a result, the Shugo, who also controlled Otabun, controlled the situation of the lords and territories of the entire province, and thus gained a realistic basis for exercising public authority backed by the power of the shogunate. This also became a means of implementing taxes unique to the Shugo. In the eastern provinces, the Kokugaryo territories, which were often granted approval by the Shugo, were also turned into Shugo-uke territories in the western provinces through the Shogunate's intervention, and in effect became the foundation of the Shugo. The Kokuga Goho territories became stipends and land provided to Shugo, and ukechi land-receiving daikan territories, and played a major role in forming the Shugo's power structure, such as forming vassal relationships.

The shugo's unique taxes for each province were two-fold: shugoyaku and dansen/munebetsusen. The shugoyaku, which have been seen since the civil war period, expanded further from the 15th century onwards. The construction tax imposed on Ikaruga-no-sho in Harima Province in 1431 (Eikyo 3) and 1501 (Bunkei 1) was 30 days per person per town of public fields, based on the number of tamangs. The shugoyaku of Oyama-sho in Tamba Province had become so constant that it was referred to as a "national fixed tax" by the mid-15th century. Shugodansen became a reality in the 15th century, but the number of tamangs was used as the standard for taxation, and became constant by the mid-15th century. The distinctive feature of these shugokayaku was that they were levied over a wide area for the entire province. Thus, exemptions from dansen became the same as payments, and the chigyo system, mediated by dansen, was formed.

The foundation of the power structure of the shugo were the direct vassals of the clan and their vassals who were hereditary vassals formed within the honkan provinces. Apart from cases in the eastern provinces and Kyushu where traditional powerful clans within the country became shugo themselves, in many cases the shugo of the Kinai and surrounding areas had to make efforts to make the feudal lords within the country their vassals. This was achieved by turning kokugaryo and manors into land grants, making them daikan (deputy governors) under contract land, providing dansen (taxes paid in installments), and entrusting half-paid land to daimyo. In some cases, the shugo-vassal relationship consisted of military service payments based on the standard tax amount for the hongaryo and land grants, but this was not yet at the stage of generalization. Within the provinces, there were independent powers such as kokujin ikki (local uprisings), hokoshu (servants in Kyoto and in the provinces), and powerful kokujin classes who secured the right of exemption from shugoshi. The solution to such problems was the responsibility of the powers of the Sengoku period.

[Mutsumi Tanuma]

"The Development of the Shugo Domain System" by Sato Shinichi (included in Medieval Society edited by Toyoda Takeshi, 1954, Asakura Shoten)" ▽ "A Study of the Establishment of Japanese Feudalism" by Nagahara Keiji (1961, Iwanami Shoten)" ▽ "The Daimyo Domain System" by Nagahara Keiji (1967, Nippon Hyoronsha)" ▽ "A Study of the Muromachi Shogunate Shugo System, Vol. 1" by Sato Shinichi (1967, University of Tokyo Press)" ▽ "Iwanami Lecture Series on Japanese History 7" (old edition, 1963 / new edition, 1976, Iwanami Shoten)" ▽ "The Constructive Development of the Daimyo Domain System" by Kishida Hiroyuki (1983, Yoshikawa Kobunkan)

[Reference item] | Shugo | Muromachi period

Source: Shogakukan Encyclopedia Nipponica About Encyclopedia Nipponica Information | Legend

Japanese:

室町幕府下の守護の任国支配が一定の進展を示した段階を示す歴史学的名辞。

［田沼　睦］

戦後研究史

戦後の研究史上では、封建制の段階論や時代区分論とかかわる理論的内容を伴って出発した。すなわち、石母田正(いしもだただし)の『中世的世界の形成』（戦時中執筆、1946年発刊）によって提起された、守護領の形成＝地域的封建制の完成という仮説を踏まえ、分権的封建制の組織者とされる守護の、任国支配の内実や権力編成を示す概念として用いられたのである。

　守護領国制の本格的研究は、1950年代の前半、永原慶二(ながはらけいじ)の「守護領国制の研究」および「日本における封建国家の形態」や佐藤進一(しんいち)の「守護領国制の研究」などによって確立された。

　永原は、室町幕府＝守護大名連合政権説を提示する一方、国人(こくじん)領主層に注目し、その守護被官化のルーズさに守護の封建的権力編成の未熟さを求め、過渡的権力との視点を提示した。佐藤も、室町幕府を大守護の連合と、勢力均衡のうえに築かれた権力であると説いた。これらを踏まえて個別研究が展開していったが、1960年代に入るとさまざまな方向から新たな問題が提起されてきた。これらの問題提起を踏まえ、佐藤は、将軍権力の求心的性格や軍事的・経済的基盤に焦点をあわせた幕府論を展開し、守護の領国支配も、将軍権力の二元性――主従制的・統治権的支配権――のなかに包摂されるものと位置づけた。将軍権力抜きの守護領国制論という藤木久志(ひさし)の批判にこたえたものであるが、これは以後の研究に多大の影響を与えていった。一方、荘園(しょうえん)制研究の面からは、黒川直則(なおのり)や大山喬平(きょうへい)によって、守護領国制が荘園制を否定するものではなく、その原理的秩序を維持し、共存関係にあることが検証されていった。さらに永原によって、守護領国制の実質的担い手であると位置づけられていた国人領主層への関心が高まり、盛行を極めた研究蓄積によって、国人領主制こそ室町期領主制の基本的形態であるとの共通認識が形成されていった。

　これらの研究成果を踏まえ、守護領国制とは何かという問題が改めて提起されていった。藤木は「戦国大名にとって守護職は何であったのか」という観点から、守護職の本質を大田文(おおたぶみ)掌握による広域支配権と位置づけ、崩壊期からとらえる方法の有効性を提示した。一方、永原は、中世後期の社会を、国人領主層の地域的権力を基盤とした大名領国制という体制概念でとらえ、守護領国制と戦国大名領国制を包括した視点を提示した。岸田裕之(ひろゆき)による毛利(もうり)氏領国の歴史的形成過程の研究は、永原理論に対応したものといえよう。かくて守護領国制＝地域的分権的封建制という理解は止揚されつつある。しかし、守護支配が総体として培った支配方式の一部が戦国大名へと継承されていく側面のあること、すなわち守護大名と戦国大名という両権力間の差異とともに連続面を探ろうとする研究動向などを見据え、地域的特徴＝差異などを考慮しながら実態面の分析を行っているのが守護領国制研究の現状といえよう。

［田沼　睦］

守護の領国支配

室町幕府下の守護は、南北朝期を通じて、大犯(だいぼん)三箇条に加えて使節遵行(しせつじゅんぎょう)権、半済預置(はんぜいあずけおき)権、段銭(たんせん)等徴収権、闕所(けっしょ)地処理権などを獲得し、守護職の相伝化と相まって領国支配展開の条件を確保していった。しかし国内には諸領主権力が錯綜(さくそう)して存在し、権力の一元化は困難であった。また畿内(きない)・周辺地域では、国内に独自の軍事的・経済的基盤をもつことの少なかった守護も多かった。ところで、守護が、一国支配における伝統的行政組織であった国衙(こくが)機構を、目代(もくだい)以下の守護代化、被官化などによって包摂していく方法は、東西を問わずみられた。これによって大田文をも掌握した守護は、一国全体の領主・所領の状況を掌握することとなり、幕府権力を背景とした公権力を発動させる現実的根拠を得ることとなった。これはまた守護独自の課役を実現していく手段ともなったのである。東国では守護に安堵(あんど)されることの多かった国衙領は、西国でも幕府口入(くにゅう)などによって守護請(うけ)化され、事実上守護の基盤となっていった。国衙諸郷保(ごうほ)は、給人給地(きゅうにんきゅうち)、請地(うけち)代官地となり、被官関係の形成など守護の権力機構の形成にも大きな役割を担った。

　一国に対する守護独自の課役は、守護役と段銭・棟別銭(むねべつせん)の2系統であった。内乱期からみられる守護役は、15世紀以降ますます拡大される。1431年（永享3）、1501年（文亀1）播磨(はりま)国鵤荘(いかるがのしょう)に課せられた普請役は、公田町別1人30日で、大田文を基準としたものであった。丹波(たんば)国大山(おおやま)荘の守護役は、15世紀中葉段階では「国定役(じょうやく)」と表現されるほど恒常化していた。守護段銭は15世紀になると現実化したが、大田文公田数が賦課基準とされ、15世紀中葉には恒常化していった。これら守護課役の特質は、一国全体に対する広域賦課であったところにある。かくて段銭免除は給付と同質化し、段銭を媒介とした知行制も形成されていったのである。

　守護の権力機構の根幹は、一族および本貫(ほんがん)国で形成された譜代(ふだい)の直臣(じきしん)である。東国・九州など、国内の伝統的豪族層がそのまま守護となる場合は別として、畿内・周辺地域の守護は、多くの場合国内領主層の被官化に努めねばならなかった。国衙領・荘園の給地化、請地代官化、段銭給付、半済地の預置などがその媒介となった。守護―被官関係は、本領・給地の基準年貢高に対する一定比率の軍役負担という場合もみられるが、まだ一般化の段階ではない。国内には自立的権力である国人一揆(いっき)、在京・在国奉公衆(ほうこうしゅう)以下、守護使不入権確保の有力国人層も存在していた。かかる課題の解決は戦国期権力の担うことであったのである。

［田沼　睦］

『佐藤進一著「守護領国制の展開」（豊田武編『中世社会』所収・1954・朝倉書店）』▽『永原慶二著『日本封建制成立過程の研究』（1961・岩波書店）』▽『永原慶二著『大名領国制』（1967・日本評論社）』▽『佐藤進一著『室町幕府守護制度の研究　上』（1967・東京大学出版会）』▽『『岩波講座　日本歴史7』（旧版・1963／新版・1976・岩波書店）』▽『岸田裕之著『大名領国制の構成的展開』（1983・吉川弘文館）』

[参照項目] | 守護 | 室町時代

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