Fifth Republic (English spelling)

The political system of France from June 1958 to the present. In the wake of the coup d'état that took place in Algeria in mid-May 1958, the National Assembly (lower house) of the Fourth Republic voted 329 to 224 to appoint General de Gaulle as Prime Minister on June 1 of that year. Returning to power after 12 years, he obtained recognition for his special powers of governance and began preparations for a new constitution. He received overwhelming support in a national referendum at the end of September (79% of valid votes in the mainland), and officially established the Fifth Republic. However, this constitution only served to rationalize the previous parliamentary system, that is, to strengthen executive powers and streamline the legislative process. After three years and ten months, he finally resolved the Algerian War, thereby proving the capabilities of the new regime, and he made his long-held political vision (known as Gaulism) even clearer. Overcoming strong opposition, a constitutional amendment was achieved in a national referendum held at the end of October 1962, stipulating that the president be elected by direct vote (two-round absolute majority election system) by the people for a seven-year term. The president, who had already been given great power under the constitution, was given a democratic basis for his power, and the "De Gaulle Republic" was transformed from a parliamentary system to a semi-presidential system (a presidential system with parliamentary elements). The government was strengthened in comparison with the National Assembly (lower house), whose powers were limited, but the president occupies a superior position over both. The president appoints and dismisses the prime minister and cabinet members, presides over the Council of Ministers, strives to realize his political policy, and directs foreign affairs and national defense. If necessary, he can dissolve the National Assembly, call for a national referendum, and exercise special powers in times of emergency. However, the cabinet appointed by the president must be politically accountable to the National Assembly. Of course, strict conditions are attached to the parliament's no-confidence procedure.

Thus, a strong presidential system of government was realized, but to rule smoothly and effectively, it was necessary to have a close and stable majority party or parties in the National Assembly. The president's power would be greatest when he was the supreme leader of a stable majority party, and would be weakened if he lost his majority, if it was unstable, or if he was in conflict with it. The history of the 40-plus years of the Fifth Republic has shown this.

The political development of the Fifth Republic is determined by the personality of the president and the composition of the majority in the National Assembly. The first president, de Gaulle (in office 1959-69), was elected in the first indirect election, but was re-elected in the first direct election held at the end of 1965. Since the autumn of 1962, he had a stable majority in the National Assembly, and this, combined with his enormous authority, consolidated his own system. After achieving the dissolution and reorganization of former colonies, he pursued French independence and greatness between the United States and the Soviet Union, but his extremely nationalistic foreign policy is still the basic line of French diplomacy today. He was hit hard by the May 1968 revolution (a social crisis that began with a student rebellion and developed into a general strike), and failed to obtain a majority in the national referendum the following spring, leading to his resignation. The next president, George Pompidou (in office 1969-74), made some modifications and mitigations, but he was a conservative successor to de Gaulle's line in both domestic and foreign policies. His successor, Giscard d'Estaing (in office 1974-81), continued the de Gaulle line but sought a more central position and attempted political and social reforms, but failed to overcome the economic crisis. The presidential election of 1981 marked the beginning of a political "great change." Socialist Party First Secretary Mitterrand defeated the incumbent president in his third attempt. This enthusiastic effect led to an overwhelming left-wing majority in the general election, and his Socialist Party, together with the Left Radical Party, rose to 286 seats (58% of the parliament). He embarked on decentralization, nationalization of large corporations and banks, and other social reforms, but a year later he was forced to retreat once again with severe economic and fiscal tightening, and his relationship with the Communist Party deteriorated. The general election of 1986 brought back a right-wing coalition majority, despite the economic upturn. Under President Mitterrand, whose Socialist Party was the largest party but had become the opposition, the Chirac Cabinet, which led the right-wing majority, was formed, and the so-called experiment in "cohabitation" (cohabitation) began with tension. In the presidential election of May 1988, Chirac lost and Mitterrand was re-elected. The Socialist Party's Locard became prime minister, and cohabitation was dissolved, and thereafter, Socialist prime ministers continued. However, in the general election of March 1993, the Socialist Party suffered a major defeat, and the Gaullist (= Rally for the Republic, RPR) Balladur became prime minister, establishing the second cohabitation. In the presidential election of 1995, Mitterrand did not run, and the RPR's Chirac was elected. Juppé became prime minister, and cohabitation was dissolved. In the general election of May 1997, the conservative camp was defeated by the left wing, centered on the Socialist Party. Under President Chirac, the Socialist Party's Jospin became prime minister in June, and cohabitation began for the third time. In the May 2002 presidential election, Chirac was re-elected, and Raffarin, vice-president of the Liberal Democratic Party (DL), was appointed Prime Minister. In the June general election, the conservative coalition won a landslide victory, gaining an outright majority. This resulted in the dissolution of the Third Cohabitation.

[Yokota Chihiro]

"Contemporary French History" by Kono Kenji (1977, Yamakawa Publishing)" ▽ "French Political History, Vol. 2" by Nakagi Yasuo (1976, Miraisha) ▽ "Has the Red Rose Bloomed? - Dreams and Reality in Contemporary France" by Masuzoe Yoichi (1983, Kobundo) ▽ "French Political System Theory: Political Culture and Gaucharism" by Sakurai Yoji (1985, Ashi Shobo) ▽ "Contemporary French History (1)-(3)" by S. Hoffmann, translated by Amano Tsuneo (1977, Hakusuisha) ▽ "P.-M. de la Gorce et B. Moschetto La Cinquième République (Paris, PUF, Coll. QSJ, 3rd edition, 1986)"

Source: Shogakukan Encyclopedia Nipponica About Encyclopedia Nipponica Information | Legend

1958年6月以降今日までのフランスの政治体制。58年5月中旬にアルジェリアで起こったクーデターを誘因として、第四共和政の国民議会（下院）は、同年6月1日、329票対224票で将軍ドゴールを首相に信任した。12年ぶりに政権に復帰した彼は、特別権限により統治することを認めさせ、新憲法の準備に着手した。9月末の国民投票で圧倒的な支持を得（本土の有効投票の79％）、正式に第五共和政を樹立した。しかし、このときの憲法は、それまでの議会制の合理化、すなわち執行権の強化と立法過程の効率化を図ったにとどまる。3年10か月を費やしてようやくアルジェリア戦争を解決し、それによって新体制の能力を証明したとき、彼は年来の政治構想（ゴーリスムといわれる）を一段と鮮明にする。強い反対を排して、62年10月末の国民投票で憲法改正を実現し、国民の直接投票（2回式絶対多数当選制）による任期7年の大統領選出を定めた。憲法上すでに大きな権限を与えられていた大統領は、その権力に民主的基礎を与えられ、「ドゴールの共和政」は議会制から準大統領制（議会制的要素を含む大統領制）へ転移する。権限を制限された国民議会（下院）に対して、政府が強化されたが、その両者に対して大統領は優越的地位を占める。大統領は首相と閣僚を任免し、閣僚会議を統裁して、自己の政治方針の実現を期し、外交・国防を指導する。必要があれば、国民議会を解散し、国民投票を要請し、緊急時には特別権限を行使する。しかし、大統領の任命した内閣は、国民議会に対して政治責任を負わねばならない。むろん議会の内閣不信任手続には厳しい条件をつけている。

　こうして強力な大統領による統治体制が実現したが、その円滑で有効な統治には、国民議会に緊密で安定した多数党もしくは多数派を確保しなければならない。大統領の権力は、安定した多数党の最高リーダーとなるとき最大となり、多数派を失うかそれが不安定なとき、あるいはそれと対立するとき弱められるであろう。第五共和政の40年余の歴史はそれらのことを示してきた。

　第五共和政の政治的発展は、大統領在職者の人格要因と国民議会多数派の構成とによってくぎられる。初代大統領のドゴール（在任1959～69）は、最初の間接選挙で選出されたが、1965年末に初めて行われた直接選挙で再選された。62年秋以来、安定した多数派を国民議会にもち、彼の絶大な権威と相まって、彼独自の体制を固めた。旧植民地の解消と再編を達成したのち、米ソの間でフランスの独立と偉大さを追求したが、そのきわめて国家主義的な外交政策は、今日もフランス外交の基本線とされている。68年の五月革命（学生の反乱に端を発し、ゼネストへと発展した社会危機）で打撃を受けた彼は、翌年春の国民投票で過半数を得られず、辞任した。次のポンピドー（在任1969～74）は、若干の修正や緩和はみられたが、内外政策ともにドゴール路線の保守的継承者であった。さらに次のジスカール・デスタン（在任1974～81）は、ドゴール路線を受け継ぎながら中央寄りの立場を求め、政治・社会改革も企てたが、経済危機の打開に成功しなかった。81年の大統領選挙は、政治的「大交替」の始まりである。社会党の第一書記ミッテランが三度目の挑戦により、現職の大統領を退けた。その熱狂的効果を受けて、総選挙は圧倒的な左翼多数派をもたらし、彼の社会党は左派急進党をあわせて286名（議席率58％）に躍進した。地方分権化、大企業・銀行の国有化、その他の社会改革に着手したが、1年後には経済・財政政策を厳しい引締めに改めて後退せざるをえなくなり、共産党との関係も悪化した。86年の総選挙は、経済の好転にもかかわらず、右翼の連合多数派を復帰させた。第一党ながら野党となった社会党をもつ大統領ミッテランの下に、右翼多数派を率いるシラク内閣が生まれ、いわゆる「共存（コアビタシオン）」の実験が緊張をはらんで始まった。88年5月の大統領選挙ではシラクが敗れミッテランが再選された。首相は社会党のロカールとなりコアビタシオンは解消、以降社会党による首相が続いた。しかし93年3月の総選挙では社会党が大敗し、ドゴール派（＝共和国連合。RPR）バラデュールが首相となり第2次コアビタシオンが成立。95年大統領選挙はミッテランが出馬せず、RPRのシラクが当選。首相はジュペとなり、コアビタシオンは解消した。97年5月の総選挙では保守陣営は社会党を中心とする左派に敗北。大統領シラクの下、6月社会党のジョスパンが首相となり3度目のコアビタシオンとなった。2002年5月の大統領選挙ではシラクが再選を決め、首相に自由民主党（DL）副党首ラファランが任命された。6月の総選挙では保守連合が単独過半数を獲得して圧勝。これにより第3次コアビタシオンは解消された。

［横田地弘］

『河野健二著『フランス現代史』（1977・山川出版社）』▽『中木康夫著『フランス政治史　下』（1976・未来社）』▽『舛添要一著『赤いバラは咲いたか――現代フランスの夢と現実』（1983・弘文堂）』▽『桜井陽二著『フランス政治体制論――政治文化とゴーリズム』（1985・芦書房）』▽『S・ホフマン著、天野恒雄訳『フランス現代史(1)～(3)』（1977・白水社）』▽『P.-M. de la Gorce et B. MoschettoLa Cinquième République (Paris, P.U.F., Coll. 《Q.S.J.》, 3e éd., 1986)』

出典　小学館　日本大百科全書(ニッポニカ)日本大百科全書(ニッポニカ)について　情報 | 凡例