The original word "quarantine" refers to the sanitary crisis management of humans, other animals, plants, and animals that may be infected with a contagious disease, isolating and detaining them in a specific area by restricting or prohibiting their movement and transportation until it is determined that they are harmless, and implementing general quarantine measures including treatment, disinfection, and disposal to render them harmless. In Japan, the word became common with the establishment of "quarantine stations" by the Meiji government, so it is mostly used to refer to legal measures such as examinations, inspections, isolation, and disposal carried out by quarantine stations or quarantine officers at seaports and airports based on the Quarantine Act for the purpose of preventing the intrusion of infectious diseases (infectious diseases) that are not endemic in the country from overseas. Animal quarantine and plant quarantine are also used for animals and plants other than humans, based on the Domestic Animal Infectious Diseases Prevention Act and the Plant Protection Act, respectively. [Mitsuyoshi Nishizawa] historyThe fear that disease might be contagious led people to go to extreme measures to avoid contact with sick people, as is evident from passages such as Leviticus in the Old Testament. In Europe, examples of severe quarantine and isolation during major plague epidemics, which occurred repeatedly since the Middle Ages, are well known, having been recorded by G. Boccaccio in 14th century Florence and, relatively late, by D. Defoe in 18th century London. As these recorded examples show, once an infectious disease had entered an urban society, quarantine and isolation measures tended to be severe and target a wide range of people, but their effectiveness was questionable. Therefore, it was thought necessary to have a quarantine system that could prevent an infectious disease from entering densely populated areas before it reached those areas. In the 14th century, when the plague (Black Death) was at its height in Europe, it was often brought from the East, which was also linked to memories of the Mongol invasion, and raised vigilance against trading ships from the Black Sea and the eastern Mediterranean in ports on the Mediterranean coast of Italy and France. In 1348, Venice appointed public health protectors to monitor trading ships. Furthermore, in 1423, permanent quarantine and mooring facilities were established outside the city. In Venice, ships were moored outside the port for first 30 days, later 40 days, and kept under the supervision of public health protectors, and if an outbreak of plague was detected during this time, they were forced to leave. This "40-day quarantine" is the origin of the word "quarantine." This Venetian method of quarantine was also adopted in Genoa (1467), Marseille (1476), and other cities, and was eventually followed throughout Europe, which meant that quarantine was institutionalized as a basic mechanism for national defense during the process of the formation of the modern European state. As a complete system, borders were to be defined physically, legally, and economically by quarantine, immigration control, and customs, respectively, starting from the outside. Compared to the state as a territory or domain, transportation, distribution, and commerce were essentially cross-border, so capitalist states based on economic autonomy best expressed their structural dilemmas in their borders. In terms of the quarantine system, objections were raised early on to the uniform 40-day port entry postponement, but in the 16th century, it became customary for the authorities of the last port of call to issue a health certificate, and ships carrying this certificate were immediately allowed to use the port unless an infectious disease was discovered during inspection. Meanwhile, in the 17th and 18th centuries, the scope of quarantine was gradually expanded to include yellow fever as trade with the Americas expanded, and cholera as Muslims made the pilgrimage to Mecca. The demand for stricter responses to these new threats and the demand for more efficient general measures, while sometimes containing contradictions, have continued to be the two trends that form the basis of system reforms from time to time up to the present day. The diversification of quarantine methods and targets as described above allowed arbitrary responses by each port and each inspector, and by the 19th century the structural corruption of the system had become intolerable. In 1851, the first International Sanitary Conference was held in Paris. At the time, political conflict existed between maritime trading nations and agricultural and industrial producing nations, and medical conflict existed between theories of pathogenic infection and environmental pollution, and these conflicts were deep-rooted. However, after this conference, at least among the developed Western countries, a path to cooperative operation of quarantine systems was sought. However, it was not until the 20th century, with the establishment of the League of Nations in 1920, that a momentum for substantial international cooperation based on treaties and regulations emerged. Through the International Sanitary Convention of 1926, the International Convention on Aviation Sanitation in 1933, the establishment of the World Health Organization (WHO) in 1948, and the International Health Regulations in 1951, the adoption of the International Health Regulations (IHR) at the WHO General Assembly in 1969 established international standards on which member countries could establish domestic laws and take quarantine measures on a global scale. Since then, the revisions to these regulations to date have been made with an effort to be more medically and scientifically based. On the other hand, there is criticism that when a perspective such as strengthening anti-terrorism measures is introduced, Western-led values take precedence (argument from the Arab world). Thus, historical and cultural differences and the gap between the North and South are factors that oppose rational global international cooperation, and they potentially lead to sharp conflicts. In addition, the transition from nation states to regional communities, as seen in the European Union (EU), is likely to inevitably eliminate quarantine as a border function. [Mitsuyoshi Nishizawa] The concept and system of quarantine in JapanIn Japan, infectious diseases called "eyami" or "tokinoke" were mainly "ryo" characterized by diarrheal symptoms and "hisashi" or "sou" characterized by skin rashes. It has long been known that people should avoid contact with the feces or sickbeds of sick people, but there are no records of stricter measures equivalent to isolation or quarantine for "ryo" or "hisashi," which are thought to have existed originally as endemic diseases. In contrast, it is noteworthy that there are records of strict sanitary measures for smallpox, which is thought to have been an exotic disease brought in via the Korean Peninsula. In the remaining volumes of the "Honcho Seiki" (Honcho Century), compiled by Fujiwara Michinori (Shinzei) in the 12th century, there is a description that this disease was called a "foreign disease," and that sick people were separated and isolated "as if in mourning." In 1806 (Bunka 3), Ikeda Kinkyo wrote "Kokuji Toushin Kaiso" (Kokuji Toushin Kaiso), which states, "When people were suffering from smallpox in Amakusa in Higo Province, Kumamoto, Iwakuni in Suo Province, Kumano in Kii Province, Kiso Mountains in Shinano Province, and around Mt. Ontake, they would travel 12 ri (100 km) away from homes, across a village or town, and set up huts in deep valleys in the mountains or rented farmhouses, assigning attendants to carry food and other things, and stopping even family members from entering or leaving the area. They would often call in a doctor to administer medicine." This description is very interesting, as it suggests the direction of disease transmission and the transmission route of quarantine information, which was centered on mountain people (yamabito). In the 19th century (late Edo period), cholera from India took over as the main exotic infectious disease, with the first major epidemic occurring in 1822 (Bunsei 5). Katsu Kaishu testified that the Naval Training School, which opened in Nagasaki in 1855 (Ansei 2), had mentioned "quarantine" (Dutch for quarantine station) from the very beginning. In 1862 (Bunkyu 2), the shogunate ordered the Western Book Research Institute to compile and translate various books on the prevention, epidemiology, and treatment of cholera, and published "Epidemic Prevention Theory" by Sugita Gentan, Mitsukuri Genpo, Tsuboi Nobuyoshi, Koyasu Tetsugoro, and others. In this book, "quarantine" was translated as "quarantine law" for the first time, and the measures and methods used in Europe at the time were introduced in detail. However, after the Treaty of Peace and Amity between the United States and Japan, the shogunate, which was under the unequal treaties, had neither the will nor the power to implement such measures. In 1879 (Meiji 12), the Dajokan (Grand Council of State) issued a proclamation entitled "Regulations for the Prevention of the Spread of Cholera in Seaports." This was merely a temporary measure to be taken in the event of a cholera epidemic in ships travelling between China and Korea, which were not subject to the unequal treaties. Based on this, a disinfection station (later a quarantine station) was established in Yokosuka (later moved to Nagahama, a suburb of Yokohama). Reflecting the Rokumeikan era, this was an attempt to provide a complete facility that was conscious of the eyes of foreign countries, apart from the intended target. It was a novel and sophisticated idea that exceeded the standards of Japan at the time. On the other hand, it was Mori Ogai who, in response to this superficial trend, accurately organized the concept of hygiene that was being imported, while also looking into the historical background of bacteriology and public health, and positioned it as one of the basic concepts for disease prevention, quarantine, architecture, urban planning, etc. Ogai's activities in the early 1880s were noteworthy as he sought to popularize this concept and proposed the establishment of a "disinfection squad" as an action unit for managing infectious disease crises. After 1894, the Meiji government finally succeeded in revising the treaties one by one, and in implementing those treaties in 1899, it established quarantine stations based on the Port Quarantine Law, established judicial jurisdiction, and raised tariffs by promulgating the Customs Law, thereby enabling Japan to take the form of a modern independent nation at its borders. In September 1899, Noguchi Hideyo, who worked as an assistant quarantine medical officer at the Yokohama Quarantine Station, discovered a patient with the plague, identified the bacteria, and was involved in the first quarantine measures, such as ordering a ship to stop. Maritime quarantine stations were initially under the control of the Minister of Home Affairs, and quarantine for aircraft, which began in 1927 (Showa 2) under the Aviation Quarantine Regulations, followed suit. In 1938, however, they came under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Health and Welfare, which was separated from the Ministry of Home Affairs. After Japan's defeat in World War II, quarantine came temporarily under the command of the General Headquarters of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (GHQ) from 1945. In 1950, the main role in quarantine was returned to the Japanese government, but quarantine for the U.S. military stationed in Japan was excluded, and this remains to this day as a special measure under the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement. In 1951, Japan joined the WHO, and the Quarantine Act was enacted in accordance with the International Health Regulations, which became the legal basis for quarantine at sea and at airports in Japan. Since then, the enforcement order has been revised frequently to prioritize human rights and smooth trade, and to respond to changes in medical common sense and new diseases that require quarantine. [Mitsuyoshi Nishizawa] Quarantine Station WorkThere are 13 quarantine stations and their branches and sub-stations in more than 80 quarantine ports and more than 20 quarantine airports nationwide as specified by the Quarantine Law. In ship quarantine, regardless of the nationality or registry of the ship, the captain of a ship entering a Japanese port from a foreign country is required to submit a pre-quarantine report to the chief of the quarantine station that has jurisdiction over the first port, regarding the presence or absence of infectious disease patients. Currently, this report is submitted in the form of a written statement based on radio communication information, with very few exceptions, such as ships without radio. If there are no particular problems, a quarantine certificate is issued and the ship is allowed to use the port (radio quarantine, introduced in 1971). If there are obvious problems or there is any suspicion, the ship is made to stop in a designated quarantine area or at a pier in the port with a yellow quarantine request flag hoisted, and a quarantine officer dispatched by quarantine boat boards and inspects the ship (on-board quarantine). When there is a patient who falls under the category of a quarantinable infectious disease, or when there is a possibility of contamination by the pathogen, measures such as isolating the patient, detaining those who have been in contact with the patient, disinfecting contaminated materials, prohibiting movement, and disposing of the materials. Regarding quarantine for aircraft, measures similar to those for ships are taken when there is an infected person on board, but since the flight time is short compared to the incubation period of the disease, the possibility of finding a patient is low, and there are clear theoretical limitations to quarantine at the border. Furthermore, in today's world, where most people enter and leave the country by air and the number of people traveling overseas has increased dramatically, the practical limitations are also clear. Passengers on flights departing from or calling at areas contaminated by quarantinable infectious diseases or other diseases are asked to fill out questionnaires on board, and these are collected and checked at the quarantine counter in the terminal after arrival, but this still relies on voluntary reporting, and the public's sense of crisis about foreign infectious diseases, which should motivate them to report, is also at a lower level than in other countries with similar economic and social systems, as a result of the widespread safety of the country. Other duties stipulated in the Quarantine Act include hygienic inspections of people and cargo to check for the presence of pathogens of quarantinable infectious diseases (especially cholera in imported fresh seafood), extermination of rodents and insects from ships and aircraft, inspection of drinking water and wastewater, hygiene surveys of seas, airports and their surrounding areas, collection and provision of information on infectious diseases and health around the world, carrying out vaccinations and issuing vaccination certificates, etc. However, currently the only disease for which an international vaccination certificate (yellow card) may be required for entry into some countries is yellow fever. In addition to these, inspections of the safety of imported foods, which had been conducted by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare since 1951, began to be conducted by quarantine stations in fiscal 1982, a task based on the Food Sanitation Law. With the overwhelming increase in the types and quantities of imported foods, this monitoring and inspection work now takes up most of the human resources of quarantine stations, and yet, in the context of the increasing volume, speed and diversification of distribution, the meaning of the random selection of prescribed items for inspection is becoming doubtful, and a mountain of problems is mounting, such as the regulation of meat contaminated with mad cow disease (BSE, bovine spongiform encephalopathy) and ensuring the safety of imported foods processed overseas (especially in China). [Mitsuyoshi Nishizawa] The future of quarantineMost ship quarantines are conducted by radio quarantine, quarantine at the border for passengers at airports has already lost its substance, and routine inspections of imported foods account for less than a few percent of the total. These situations seem to indicate that the borders of modern nations, like the Great Wall, which failed to achieve its purpose of defending against foreign enemies, were merely political "partitions" that would one day be crossed in the face of overwhelming human activity. In this sense, the collapse of the Berlin Wall also seems to go beyond the framework of the Cold War between East and West and symbolize the victory of "traffic based on economic principles" over "fixed borders." In the first place, the "epidemics of infectious diseases" and "food safety" that quarantine must deal with are not problems specific to a particular country or people, but are essentially problems that should be considered at the level of "humanity," so for the time being, the response to them must be global. The fact that "international cooperation" took shape in various fields in the 20th century shows that this century was one in which it was possible to believe in a global standard in a relatively simple way and to believe that conforming to that standard was progress. However, if the 20th century was also a century of unprecedented wars, it could also be said that it was a century in which the contradictions brought about by such simple standardization were constantly revealed, and finally brought an end to the concept of progress in humanity and science. For us now, who have now finished the 20th century, "global" is probably not something that appears beyond the uniform global standard that has abolished borders, or beyond the linear time. Just as the "habitat separation" that appears at first glance to be exclusive in the biological world is an expression of "symbiosis" from a different perspective and dimension, humans are also destined to coexist globally, while living in a historically and culturally determined habitat. The "global" should be something that brings about such a perspective. Based on this understanding, future quarantine will be something that operates as a crisis management device or system to deal with health and sanitary crises of humankind. For this reason, the front line of quarantine, which has been considered as a geographical border, needs to be re-developed in two directions with different perspectives and dimensions. The first front line is the information front line to predict possible crises. The second front line is the scene of the crisis that is currently occurring. On the first front line, advanced information gathering and information interpretation capabilities are required to foresee tomorrow's crises. To predict the next human infectious disease before it becomes an epidemic, we must approach the ecological trends of viruses and bacteria in the ecosystem of the entire Earth. For example, if there is an improved food that is about to be promoted on a corporate basis, in order to ensure its safety, not only the latest knowledge of genetic engineering and synthetic chemistry will be required, but also sociological and economic information processing to understand and predict when, where, and how it has been and can be commercialized within the context of demand, supply, and corporate logic. On the second front line, an executive unit with rapid activation power and strong temporary administrative power for on-site management and its command center are needed. This should be organized on the premise of bold delegation of power so that it can meet the requirements of an operational force for infectious disease crisis countermeasures that can be deployed anywhere at any time, with sampling capabilities based on epidemiological knowledge, accurate pathological differential diagnosis capabilities, strict command and supervision capabilities, and consideration of sanctions and supplies based on economic principles. A global defense force-like concept for infectious diseases, with local units organized under a global organization, may become a realistic issue. [Mitsuyoshi Nishizawa] "Noguchi Hideyo, ed. Okumura Tsuruki (1933, Iwanami Shoten)" ▽ "A 100-Year History of the Quarantine System, ed. Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, Public Health Bureau (1980, Gyosei)" ▽ "Japan, an Importing Nation: The Changing Food Quarantine System - The Declining Food Self-Sufficiency Rate and the Hollowing Out of the Quarantine System," by Ogura Masayuki (1998, Godo Shuppan)" ▽ "Pathogens Coming by Airplane: The Reality of Infectious Diseases as Seen by Airport Quarantine Officers," by Kyodo Shin (2001, Kadokawa Shoten)" ▽ "Quarantine Station-Related Administrative Research Group, Collection of Notifications of Laws and Regulations, 7th Edition (2004, Chuohoki Shuppan)" ▽ "A History of Diseases in Japan, by Fujikawa Yu and commentary by Matsuda Michio (Toyo Bunko)" [References] | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Source: Shogakukan Encyclopedia Nipponica About Encyclopedia Nipponica Information | Legend |
原語のquarantineは、伝染性の疾患にかかったおそれのある人間その他の動植物、またはそれを媒介するおそれのある物品などについて、その無害性が納得されるまで特定の地域においてその交通、移動を制限または禁止して隔離、停留するとともに、それらの無害化のために治療、消毒、廃棄などを含む防疫措置一般を施行する衛生上の危機管理をさす。日本では明治政府による「検疫所quarantine station」の創設とともに一般化したことばであるため、国内に常在しない伝染病(感染症)の国外からの侵入を防止する目的で、検疫法に基づいて海港、空港において旅客や貨物などに対して検疫所また検疫官が行う、診察、検査、隔離、廃棄などの法制度上の措置のことに限って使われることがほとんどである。ヒト以外の動物や植物を対象とするものとして、それぞれ家畜伝染病予防法、および植物防疫法に基づく動物検疫、植物検疫がある。 [西澤光義] 歴史病気が伝染するものであるかもしれないというおそれから、病者との接触を忌避するために極端な方策がとられることがしばしばあったことは、『旧約聖書』「レビ記」の記述などによっても知られる。 ヨーロッパでは、中世以来繰り返されたペストの大流行時における過酷なまでの検疫、隔離の例が、14世紀のフィレンツェについてG・ボッカチオにより、また比較的遅くは18世紀のロンドンについてD・デフォーにより記録されているのがよく知られている。 これらの記録例でもわかるように、伝染病がいったん都市社会に侵入してしまうと、検疫、隔離の措置は対象も多く熾烈(しれつ)なものになりやすいにもかかわらず、効果はかえって疑わしいものであったから、人口密集地への侵入以前に、それを阻止できるような制度としての検疫が必要であると考えられるようになった。 ヨーロッパにおけるペスト(黒死病)の最盛期であった14世紀には、それがしばしば東方よりもたらされることが多かったため、モンゴル族侵入の記憶とも結び付き、黒海沿岸や地中海東岸地方からの交易船に対する警戒意識が、イタリア、フランスの地中海沿岸港で高まった。1348年ベネチアは、交易船監視を行う公衆衛生保護官を置いた。さらに1423年には市外に恒常的な検疫、係留施設をつくった。ベネチアでは、初め30日、後に40日間、船を港外に係留して、公衆衛生保護官の監視下に置くこととし、この間に疫病の発生をみた場合には退去させた。この「40日quarantina」が「検疫quarantine」の語源である。 この検疫のベネチア方式はジェノバ(1467)、マルセイユ(1476)などでも取り入れられ、やがてヨーロッパ全域で踏襲されていったが、これはヨーロッパ型近代国家の成立過程にあって、検疫が国家防衛の基礎的装置として制度化されていったことを意味している。完成された制度としての国境は、外側から順に検疫、入国管理、税関によって、それぞれ身体的・法律的・経済的に規定されるべきものとなっていったのである。このような版図、領域としての国家に対して、交通、流通、通商などは本質的に越境的であらざるをえないものであったので、経済の自律に基づく資本主義国家は国境線においてその構造的ジレンマをもっともよく表現することになった。 すなわち検疫制度においては、一律的な40日間の入港延期処置に対して早くから異議申し立てが行われたが、16世紀には最終寄港地当局による衛生証明書の発行が慣例化され、この証明書を携行している船は、臨検時に伝染病が発見されない限りただちに港湾の使用が許可されるようになった。一方、17、18世紀を通じてアメリカ大陸との通商拡大に伴う黄熱病、イスラムのメッカ巡礼に伴うコレラなど、検疫の対象は次々に拡張されていった。このような新たな脅威に対する厳格な対応への要請と、一般的な措置の能率化の要求とは、ときに矛盾をはらみつつも、現在に至るまでその時々の制度改革の基底をなす二つの流れとなって続いている。 前記のような検疫措置の方式や対象の多様化は、各港湾ごと、また各監督官ごとの恣意(しい)的な対応を許す温床ともなり、19世紀に入ると制度の構造的腐敗はもはや耐えがたいものとなっていた。1851年パリで初めての国際衛生会議が開かれた。当時、政治的対立が海洋貿易国家と農工業生産国家との間にあり、医学的対立が病原感染論と環境汚染論との間にあって根深いものであったが、この会議以降少なくとも西洋先進諸国間では、検疫制度の協調的運用への道が模索されることになった。しかし、条約や規則による実体的な国際協調の気運は、結局20世紀に入って、1920年の国際連盟の成立を待たねばならなかった。1926年の国際衛生条約、1933年の国際航空衛生条約、1948年の世界保健機関(WHO)発足、1951年の国際衛生規則を経て、1969年の国際保健規則(IHR)のWHO総会での採択によって、ほぼ世界的な規模において加盟各国がこれに基づいて国内法を整備し検疫措置をとることができるような国際的な基準が整った。その後、現在に至るこの規則の改定は、より医学的・科学的根拠に基づくものであるように努力されているといえる。一方、対テロ対策を強化するというような視点が導入されるときは欧米主導型の価値観が優先する(アラブ世界からの主張)という批判もありえる。このように、合理的な全地球的国際協調に対する反対要因として、歴史文化的差異、南北間格差があり、潜在的に鋭い対立をはらんでいる。また、ヨーロッパ連合(EU)にみられるような国家から広域共同体への移行は、必然的に国境機能としての検疫を解消していくものと思われる。 [西澤光義] 日本における検疫の概念と制度「えやみ」「ときのけ」などとよばれた伝染性の疾患は、日本では、下痢症状を特徴とする「痢」と、皮膚の発疹(ほっしん)を特徴とする「疹」または「瘡(そう)」がおもなものであった。「痢」において、病者の糞便(ふんべん)や病床に接することを戒めることは古くから知られていたが、それ以上に厳格な隔離、検疫に相当する処置は、元来風土病として存在していたと思われる「痢」「疹」については記載がない。これに対して、朝鮮半島経由の外来性疾患と考えられる痘瘡(とうそう)(天然痘(てんねんとう))については、厳重な衛生措置の記録があるのは注目される。12世紀、藤原通憲(みちのり)(信西(しんぜい))編の『本朝世紀』残巻には、この病を「異病」と称して、別居をつくり病者を「喪にあるもののごとくに」隔離したという記述がある。下って1806年(文化3)、池田錦橋(きんきょう)著の『国字痘疹(とうしん)戒草』にも「肥後(ひご)国天草(あまくさ)、熊本、周防(すおう)国岩国、紀伊国熊野、信濃(しなの)国木曽山中、御嶽(おんたけ)山の辺等において、痘瘡患ふものあれば、一郷一村を隔て、人家を去ること一二里にして、山野深谷に小屋をしつらひ、或(あるい)は農家を借りて傍人を附け置きて、食物など、始(はじめ)に運ばせ、一家親類たりとも出入りを止めて、医を迎へて薬を用ふることも少なし」とある。この記述は、疾患伝播(でんぱ)の方向性、山岳民族(山人(やまびと))中心の検疫措置情報の伝達経路などを示唆していてまことに興味深い。 19世紀(江戸後期)になると外来性伝染病の主役はインド由来のコレラにとってかわられ、1822年(文政5)には第一次大流行をみた。1855年(安政2)、長崎に開設された海軍伝習所では、当初から「カランテーレン(オランダ語で検疫所の意)」に関する言及がなされていたことは勝海舟(かつかいしゅう)の証言がある。1862年(文久2)、幕府は洋書調所に命じて虎列刺(コレラ)病に対する予防、疫学、治療などの要件を諸書にあたって編訳せしめ、杉田玄端(げんたん)、箕作阮甫(みつくりげんぽ)、坪井信良、子安鉄五郎などによって『疫毒予防説』が刊行された。このなかで「quarantine(キュアランタイネ)」が初めて検疫法と訳されて、当時のヨーロッパにおける措置、方策が詳細に紹介されている。しかしながら、日米和親条約以降、不平等条約下にある幕府にはそのような施策を実行に移す意志も力もなかった。 1879年(明治12)、太政官(だじょうかん)布告により「海港虎列刺病伝染予防規則」が制定されたが、これはいわゆる不平等条約の対象外の清(しん)や朝鮮との間の便船を想定対象として、これらの地域でのコレラ流行時における臨時的措置を定めたものにすぎなかった。これに基づいて、横須賀(のちに移転して横浜郊外長浜)に消毒所(のち検疫所)が設けられたが、これは鹿鳴館(ろくめいかん)時代を反映して、想定対象とは別に諸外国の目を意識して完備された施設を整えようとしたものであり、当時の日本の水準をこえた新奇ハイカラなものであった。一方、このような浮薄な動向に対して、細菌学、公衆衛生学それぞれの歴史的背景にまで目をやりながら、輸入されつつある衛生概念を的確に整理し、防疫、検疫、建築、都市計画などに対する基礎概念の一つとして位置づけたのが森鴎外であった。この概念の普及を図るとともに、伝染病危機管理のための実行部隊としての「消毒隊」の設置などを提起した鴎外の明治20年代初頭の活動は注目に値する。 1894年以降、ようやく順次条約改正に成功した明治政府は、1899年それらの条約の実施にあたって、海港検疫法に基づく検疫所の設置、裁判管轄権の議定、関税法の公布による関税率の引上げなどを次々に行って、近代独立国家としての形態を国境線において整えることができた。なお、1899年9月、横浜検疫所では検疫医官補として勤務していた野口英世がペスト患者を発見し、菌の同定、船の停船命令など初の検疫措置発動に関与している。 海港検疫所は当初は内務大臣の管理下にあり、1927年(昭和2)航空検疫規則により始まった航空機を対象とする検疫もこれに準じたが、1938年、内務省より分離独立した厚生省の所管となった。第二次世界大戦敗戦により、検疫は1945年からは一時、連合国最高司令官総司令部(GHQ)指揮下に入った。1950年には検疫主体は日本政府に戻されたが、在日駐留軍に関する検疫は除外され、この名残(なごり)は現在も日米地位協定による特例措置として存続している。1951年、日本はWHOに加盟、国際衛生規則に準拠する形で検疫法が制定され、これが日本の海・空港における検疫の法的根拠となった。以後その施行令の改正は、人権や通商の円滑を重視し、医学常識の変化や新たに防疫を必要とする疾患に対応するべく頻回に行われながら現在に至っている。 [西澤光義] 検疫所の仕事検疫法に定められた全国80余か所の検疫港、20余か所の検疫空港に対して、検疫所13か所およびその支所、出張所が設置されている。船舶の検疫では、船の国籍、船籍を問わず外国から日本の港に入港しようとする船の船長は、その第1番目の港を管轄する検疫所長に対して、感染症患者の有無などに関する検疫前通報をすることが義務づけられている。現在この通報は、無線を備えていない船などごくわずかな例外を除いて、すべて無線による連絡情報に基づいて明告書の形で提出される。これを受けて、とくに問題がなければ検疫済証を交付して港湾使用を許可する(無線検疫、1971年より導入)か、明らかに問題が認められるなど、その疑いのある場合は、当該船に黄色の検疫要請旗を掲げさせたまま、港内所定の検疫区域または桟橋に停船させて、検疫艇により出向した検疫官が乗船して検査する(臨船検疫)。検疫感染症に該当する患者がいる場合、あるいはその病原体に汚染されたおそれのある場合は、患者の隔離、接触者の停留、汚染物などの消毒、移動禁止、廃棄などの措置をとる。航空機の検疫は、機内に感染者がいる場合には船舶に準じた措置がとられるが、病気の潜伏期間に比べて航行時間が短いため、患者を発見できる可能性は少なく、水際での防疫に明らかな原理的限界がある。さらに、出入国者のほとんどが航空機を利用し、海外渡航者の数が飛躍的に増大した今日では、実務的限界もまた明らかとなっている。検疫感染症その他の疾患の汚染地域を発航または寄航する便の乗客に対しては、機内で質問票を配付して記入を求め、到着後ターミナル内の検疫カウンターでこれを回収してチェックするなどの方法がとられているが、自主的申告に頼るものであることに変わりはなく、その申告を動機づけるべき外来感染症に対する市民の危機意識も、日本では国内の安全が行き渡った結果、同程度の経済、社会体制にある諸外国に比べてかえって低いレベルにあるといわざるをえない現状である。 そのほか、検疫法で定められている業務には、人や貨物に対する検疫感染症(とくに輸入生鮮魚介類におけるコレラなど)の病原体の有無を調べる衛生学的検査、船舶および航空機に対するネズミ族や虫類の駆除、飲料水や汚水の検査、海・空港内およびその周辺の衛生調査、世界の感染症や健康に関する情報の収集と提供、予防接種の実施とその証明書の発行などがある。ただし、現在一部の国への入国にあたって国際予防接種証明(イエローカード)が必要とされることがある疾患は黄熱病のみである。 また、これらとは別に、1951年以降、厚生本省が行ってきた輸入食品の安全性に関する検査が、1982年度から検疫所で行われるようになったが、これは食品衛生法に基づく業務である。輸入食品の種類およびその量の圧倒的な増加に伴って、この監視、検査業務はいまや検疫所の人的活動力の大半を奪うものとなっているにもかかわらず、流通の大量化、高速化、多様化のなかでは、その無作為抽出による規定項目検査の意味は疑わしいものになりつつあるのが実情であり、狂牛病(BSE、ウシ海綿状脳症)に汚染された食肉の規制や、海外(とくに中国)で加工された輸入食品の安全性確保など問題は山積している。 [西澤光義] 検疫の将来像船舶検疫においてはその大部分が無線検疫によっていること、空港検疫では旅客に対する水際の防疫はすでに実体を失っていること、輸入食品監視では日常的な検査は全体の数%にも達しないこと。これらの事態は、近代国家の国境線もまた、外敵防御の目的を達成できなかった「万里の長城」同様、人間の圧倒的な活動性の前には、いつか踏み越えられてゆく政治的「仕切り」にすぎなかったことを示しているようだ。この意味は、ベルリンの壁の崩壊も東西冷戦の枠組みを越えて、むしろ「定在する境界」に対する「経済原則に基づく交通」の勝利の象徴のように思われる。そもそも検疫が対処すべき「感染症の流行」や「食品の安全性」などは特定の国や国民に固有の問題であるわけではなく、本質的には「人類」というレベルで考えるべき問題である以上、その対応もまた、さしあたって全地球的(グローバル)であるほかはないものである。 20世紀において「国際協調」がさまざまな分野で具体化したことは、この世紀が比較的単純な形で全地球的標準(グローバルスタンダード)を信じることができ、またその標準に準拠することが進歩であると思うことのできた世紀であったことを示している。しかしながら、一方で20世紀が未曽有(みぞう)の戦争の世紀であったとすれば、そのような単純な標準化のもたらす矛盾がつねに露呈して、ついに人類や科学の進歩という概念を終焉(しゅうえん)せしめた世紀であったともいえる。20世紀を終えた現在のわれわれにとって、「グローバル」とは境界を廃絶した一様な世界の標準の向こう、直線的な時間の彼方(かなた)にみえてくるようなものではないだろう。生物界において一見排他的にみえる「棲(す)み分け」が、別の視野、別の次元からみれば「共生」の表現形であるように、ヒトもまた歴史的・文化的に規定されて棲み分けつつ、全地球的に共生するべく運命づけられた存在なのであろう。グローバルとはそういう視点をもたらすもののことであるはずである。 このような認識に基づくならば、将来的な検疫とは、人類の健康的・衛生的危機に対処するための危機管理装置・システムとして作動するもののことになるだろう。そのためには、これまで地理的な境界線として考えられてきた検疫の前線を視野、次元の異なる二つの方向に展開し直す必要がある。第一は、起こりうる危機を予測するための情報の前線。第二は、いまそこで起こりつつある危機の現場。第一の前線では、明日の危機を予見するための高度な情報収集と情報解読の能力が必要となる。次にくるヒトの感染症を流行以前に予測するには、全地球という生態系のなかでウイルスやバクテリアの生態動向に迫らなければならない。企業ベースでたとえば近日中に宣伝されようとしている改良食品があるとすれば、その安全性確保のためには、遺伝子工学や合成化学の最新の知識ばかりでなく、需要と供給と企業論理のなかで、それらがいつ、どこで、どのように製品化されたのか、またされうるかを理解し予測する社会学的・経済学的情報処理も必要であろう。第二の前線では、迅速な起動力と強力な現場管理の臨時行政権をもつ実行部隊とその指令部が必要である。これは疫学知識に基づくサンプリング能力、的確な病理鑑別診断能力、厳格な指揮監督能力、経済原則にのっとった制裁や補給への配慮など、いつでもどこへでも展開できる感染危機対策の作戦部隊としての要件を満たすように、思いきった権力委譲を前提にして組織するべきである。全地球的な組織の下にローカルな部隊が編成されている、感染症に対する地球防衛軍的構想が現実的な問題となってくるかもしれない。 [西澤光義] 『奥村鶴吉編『野口英世』(1933・岩波書店)』▽『厚生省生活衛生局編『検疫制度百年史』(1980・ぎょうせい)』▽『小倉正行著『輸入大国日本・変貌する食品検疫 低下する食料自給率と検疫体制の空洞化』(1998・合同出版)』▽『響堂新著『飛行機に乗ってくる病原体 空港検疫官の見た感染症の現実』(2001・角川書店)』▽『検疫所関係行政研究会監修『検疫関係法令通知集』七訂版(2004・中央法規出版)』▽『富士川游著、松田道雄解説『日本疾病史』(東洋文庫)』 [参照項目] | | | | | | | | | | | | | |出典 小学館 日本大百科全書(ニッポニカ)日本大百科全書(ニッポニカ)について 情報 | 凡例 |
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