Right wing - Uyoku (English spelling) right wing

Japanese: 右翼 - うよく（英語表記）right wing

Like many other political terms, the term right wing is ambiguous and, like its opposing concept, left wing, is inherently relative in meaning, making it difficult to give a precise definition.

The origin of the term "right wing" is said to come from the location of seats in the National Convention (la Convention Nationale) (1792-95) during the French Revolution at the end of the 18th century, with the radicals (Jacobins) sitting to the left of the speaker's seat, the moderates (Marsh Party, Plain Party) in the center, and the moderates (Girondists) to the right.

Although the actual activities and functions of right-wing groups vary depending on specific domestic and international political situations, today the term is generally understood to refer to fascist groups or individuals with an ethos or ideology that is anti-communist, anti-socialist, anti-democratic, conservative, reactionary nationalist, and ultra-nationalist.

[Takeshi Nishida]

Historical developments

We can see typical periods of political reaction or counter-revolution in such events as the Vienna System that emerged in Europe after the fall of Napoleon in the first half of the 19th century, the "European Revolution" that unfolded in France and Germany in 1848 and the subsequent revival of reactionary forces, the period around the Paris Commune in 1871, and the reactionary period following the First Russian Revolution (1905) - the period of reactionary rule under P. A. Stolypin from 1906 to 1911.

Then, in the 20th century, various right-wing groups ran rampant in Europe, Asia, and South America in the 1920s and 1930s, becoming the driving force behind the formation of anti-communist and totalitarian political orders, and combining with the fascist movements of the Axis powers, primarily Japan, Germany, and Italy, they turned the whole world into the crucible of World War II. This historical experience is still fresh in our memories. It is, of course, impossible to equate right-wing movements with fascism, but it cannot be denied that right-wing groups played a major role in the overall situation of fascism, in terms of ideology and activism.

[Takeshi Nishida]

Fascism: its background, movement and ideology

First, let us try to give a simple definition of fascism. Fascism is a political system of rule that typically appeared in countries such as Germany, Italy, and Japan during the period of general capitalist crisis following the First World War and the establishment of the Russian Revolution. Fascism emerged as a force opposed to the social reform and revolutionary movements of labor unions and other democratic organizations that sought to overcome the international conflict and economic crisis between advanced and backward imperialist countries, such as the stagnation of productivity, mass unemployment, and the collapse of prices. The bearers of this rule consist of right-wing politicians, military personnel, bureaucrats, and right-wing leaders in the private sector, and the specific form of the fascist movement that is developed varies depending on the historical situation in which the country finds itself. For example, in places such as Weimar Republic Germany and Italy, where there is a radical labor movement centered on powerful workers' parties, labor unions, and peasant unions, it is difficult to establish a fascist regime through military dictatorship.

In those countries, popular fascist organizations were formed -- the Nazis' party name, Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, showed that, albeit pseudo-characteristically, it was based on a popular base -- and using them as a foothold, fascist forces gained power from outside the existing governing structure, so to speak, in a so-called "below-up" movement. On the other hand, in countries like Japan, where fascistization progressed through reorganization within the ruling system "from above" centered on the military, financial conglomerates, senior vassals, and bureaucratic forces, the ruling class may use private right-wing and fascist organizations for a certain period of time, but once fascistization within the country is complete, they no longer recognize the usefulness of right-wing organizations and take an excluding stance, such as refusing financial support and dissolving personal ties.

Next, if we were to list the ideological characteristics of fascism at random, we would say that, first and foremost, it was the denial of parliamentary democracy and the multi-party system, the rejection of liberal democracy, communism, and the spirit of international cooperation, and, as a positive practical platform, it included the supremacy of one's own race - emphasizing the superiority of the Aryan and North Germanic races, and especially the German people - racism (persecution of the Jews), the advocacy of ultra-nationalism and militaristic foreign expansionism - in the case of Japan, this can be seen in the construction of a new order in East Asia based on the spirit of Hakko Ichiu (the universal harbor under one roof); and an attack on liberal state theory based on a totalitarian view of the state - Nazi ideologue C. Schmitt, who understood the essence of politics in the "friends and enemies" theory, asserted the superiority of the state over individuals and society, in other words, preached the principle of totalitarianism, and emphasized that in exceptional situations such as war and civil war, it is the role of the sovereign state to decide who the state's enemies are.

Adolf Hitler's famous "Mein Kampf" (Mein Kampf ) presents a thoroughly negative view of the masses. In other words, it recognizes that "the masses are more easily moved by emotion than by calm reason. Moreover, their emotions are extremely simple. Their emotions have almost no nuance, only conflict." The Nazi leaders, who viewed the emotional masses as targets to be manipulated by a small elite, emphasized the importance of the value of propaganda as a means of leading the masses.

In short, it clearly shows an extremely strong distrust in the creative abilities and initiative of the masses and an attitude that sees the ignorant masses solely as objects of politics (rule), in other words, a leadership principle based on elitism. In addition to these ideological characteristics common to all fascisms, ideologies unique to our imperial fascism include (1) the familial (ideological) view of the state, which emphasizes the family as the basic principle of state formation and asserts that the state is one big family, (2) the idea of the unity of loyalty to the emperor, patriotism, and loyalty and filial piety, (3) the idea of agrarianism, and (4) Greater Asianism, which is the idea of the "liberation" of Asian peoples and Japan's desire to seize hegemony of rule in Asia in place of European imperialism.

In addition, influenced by Nazism and Italian Fascism, O. Maudsley formed the British Fascist Union in Britain, and in France, right-wing groups such as Charles Maurasse's Action Française and the Patriotic Youth League formed the Front National in opposition to the Front populaire. Right-wing groups were also active in advanced democracies.

[Takeshi Nishida]

Right-wing movements and fascism in Japan before World War II

The fascism in Japan before World War II was called Emperor Fascism, and compared to the fascism of the same era in the Western world, there were various differences in terms of its political structure, movement, and ideology. Of course, the attributes common to fascism around the world, such as the denial of human rights and democracy, the glorification of violence and war, the advocacy of reaction and counter-revolution, and the promotion of high-handed foreign aggression, were also evident in the fascist movement in Japan during the Pacific War. And it was none other than right-wing groups that played a part in creating this situation.

Therefore, while paying attention to the ideological character of the right wing in Japan, I would like to consider more specifically the relationship between the development of the fascist situation and the right wing movement.

Ever since the Genyosha, founded in 1881 (Meiji 14) and said to be the pioneer of the ideological right, there have been two currents in the right-wing movement in Japan: the traditional group known as the nationalist/Japanese nationalist faction, and the "modern" national socialist faction, which at times gave rise to conflicts such as the ideological right versus the organizational right, "core organization theory versus mass organization theory," and anti-parliamentarianism versus parliamentarianism (Kinoshita Hanji, Right-Wing Terrorism, 1960, Horitsu Bunkasha). All of these groups were critical of the system and had their own programs for changing the status quo.

In this regard, when we consider that the Genyosha was born as a result of the Satsuma Rebellion, the first anti-government movement experienced by the new government after the Meiji Restoration, and that Toyama Mitsuru (1855-1944), who would later be called one of the three great figures of the Genyosha, used his connections with the pro-Korean debate to criticize the new Restoration government and build momentum for the invasion of Korea, after Saigo Takamori was defeated in the Seikanron debate and resigned from office, the original image of the "anti-establishment" and patriotism embraced by the leaders of the right-wing movement in the Meiji period becomes clear. Toyama and others who responded to Maebara Issei's Hagi Rebellion (1876) later tried to move from armed uprising to "improving governance through the power of speech." Thus was born Koyosha (founded in 1878), the predecessor of Genyosha. With over 300 students, Koyosha gained fame as a political organization on a par with Risshisha in Tosa and Soaisha in Kumamoto, and is said to have held public speeches inviting influential leaders of the Liberal Democratic Party, such as Ueki Emori. The "Constitution" put forward by Genyosha states, "Article 1: Respect the Imperial Family; Article 2: Cherish the Homeland; Article 3: Firmly Protect the Rights of the People," and there was a deep ideological connection to the early Freedom and People's Rights Movement. The simultaneous birth of the right and left wings in modern Japan, the mental tendencies shared by both factions, and the ambivalence and mutual transferability of "civil rights" and "national rights" are all significant. The Genyosha later gave birth to Tenyukyo (founded in 1894, Meiji 27) and Kokuryu-kai (founded in 1901, founder Uchida Ryouhei), who were at the core of the practical activities for Greater Asianism. The Kokuryu-kai changed its name to the Greater Japan Productive Party in 1931, and its central member Yoshida Masuzo set out to organize right-wing groups nationwide, forming the National Federation of Patriotic Organizations in 1936. This reorganization of right-wing organizations in the early Showa period was supported and participated in by some of the Labor-Farmer Mass Party and labor unions, and this period saw a notable shift towards "modern" fascism from the traditional right wing ideology.

Originally "modern" fascist groups, distinct from the ideological right wing, flourished in the Taisho democracy period after World War I. Stimulated by international events such as the revival of liberal thought in Europe after the war, the rise of Weimar Democracy in Germany, and the success of the Russian Revolution, domestic political conditions included the breaking down of factions, the establishment of party politics, the implementation of universal suffrage, and the founding of the Japanese Communist Party (1922), as well as social conditions such as the outbreak of the rice riots (1918) and frequent labor and tenant disputes. In response to foreign liberalism and socialism, right-wing groups were formed one after another to put forward "reformist" policies that would eradicate this "Communist ideology" and eliminate domestic political and economic corruption. In this environment, a union of national socialists and ultranationalists was realised, such as the Rōsōkai (founded in 1918), the Yuzonsha (founded in 1919, centred around Kita Ikki, Okawa Shumei, and Mitsukawa Kametarō, which adopted Kita's "Outline of the Japan Reform Bill" as its practical platform), the Kōchisha (founded in 1924, centred around Okawa, Mitsukawa, and Yasuoka Masahiro), and the Jinmukai (founded in 1932, centred around Kikuchi Takeo, Ishihara Koichiro, and Kawamoto Daisaku), as well as the Keirin Gakumei (founded in 1919), led by Takabatake Motoyuki and Uesugi Shinkichi. The next characteristic that emerged around the time of the Manchurian Incident and the February 26 Incident was the strengthening of ties between right-wing civilians and the military, especially young officers, and the active movement of radical fascists, such as terrorism - a series of radical terrorist acts from the Blood Brotherhood Incident, the May 15 Incident (1932), the Shinpeitai Incident (1933), the Nagata Incident (Aizawa Incident, 1935) to the largest coup d'état, the February 26 Incident (1936). During this period, the military became the driving force of the fascist movement and gradually came to dominate the center of national politics. After the February 26 Incident, with the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937, Japan's entry into the Pacific War and its defeat - a period that was both the completion and the collapse of Japanese fascism - the military became the bearers of fascism from "above," and an unstable coalition of control was built between semi-feudal forces such as bureaucrats and senior officials, monopoly capital, and bourgeois political parties. And by the time of the Pacific War (1941), private right-wing groups had been used to stoke war fever and promote fascism, but by this time they had been completely integrated into the system and calmed down. The actual control by the ruling class was evident during the Konoe New System Movement (1940) and the Tojo administration. When the second Konoe cabinet was formed and the New System Movement was promoted, the dissolution of all existing political parties was demanded in order to establish a nationally unified political system. At that time, many right-wing groups ceased to be political organizations and actively reorganized into cultural or ideological organizations - for example, Nakano Seigo's Tohokai became the Shintosha, Ishiwara Kanji's Toa Renmei Kyokai became the Toa Renmei Doshikai, the Great Japan Party became Yamato Musubi, and the Great Japan Productive Party became the Dai-Nihon Shinkai. During the Tojo administration, the East Asia Development League was formed in 1941 in an attempt to unify all right-wing groups. However, at this time, the East Asia League, the Tohokai, and Amano Tatsuo's Ishin Koronsha strongly opposed Tojo's policies.

[Takeshi Nishida]

Right-wingers in Post-World War II Japan

The right wing was dealt a devastating blow by Japan's defeat in the Pacific War, but it was revived from the San Francisco Peace Conference of 1951-52 (Showa 26-27) until around the time of independence. After that, the unprecedented rise of the national movement to prevent the revision of the Security Treaty in 1960 galvanized right wing forces. Right wing violence became extremely blatant in an attempt to thwart the widespread public energy that had risen to demand the abolition of the Japan-US military alliance and the protection of parliamentary democracy. The shocking incident in October 1960, when Yamaguchi Otoya stabbed Asanuma Inejiro, chairman of the largest opposition party, on the stage of a speech meeting attended by the leaders of the three parties, in broad daylight, marked the peak of right wing terrorism amid this abnormal excitement. Also, in December of that year, right-wing groups took issue with the publication of "Furyu Mutan," a novel written by writer Fukazawa Shichiro, in the magazine "Chuokoron," and stormed into the Chuokoron-Shinsha Publishing Co., Ltd. in protest. Furthermore, in February of the following year, 1961, former member of the Great Japan Patriotic Party Komori Kazutaka, outraged that "Furyu Mutan" was an insult to the Imperial family, broke into the home of Shimanaka Houji, president of Chuokoron-Shinsha, stabbed the housekeeper to death, and turned himself in. Regarding the issue of freedom of speech criticizing the Imperial family and the Emperor system, Chuokoron-Shinsha was overly sensitive to the movements of right-wingers and the Public Security Intelligence Agency, and showed signs of self-censorship, for example by ceasing the sale of the "Special Issue on the Emperor System" (January 1962 issue) of "Science of Thought." The Ikeda Cabinet, which succeeded the Kishi administration, avoided political confrontation and tried to calm the political excitement that was rife throughout the country.

During the Sato administration that followed, the National Foundation Day was revived (1967) under a new name, "National Foundation Day," and was followed in 1968 by the Meiji Restoration Centennial Celebration, which energized people associated with shrines, right-wingers, and some business leaders. Then, in November 1970, the Mishima Incident occurred. Yukio Mishima, head of the "Tate no Kai" group, and five others visited the Ground Self-Defense Force's Ichigaya garrison in Tokyo, occupied the superintendent's office, and slashed with Japanese swords and other weapons at Self-Defense Force members who tried to remove them, causing serious and minor injuries. Mishima then went out onto the balcony to hand out flyers encouraging a revolt and to give a speech. He then returned to his office and committed suicide by disembowelment, with Morita Hisakatsu (a Waseda University student) performing the beheading. The unusual death of this famous writer caused a great shock both at home and abroad. The government of the time condemned this as "destructive to democratic order" and "an insane act," but the right-wing camp unanimously praised it as a "righteous act" that would open up "a breakthrough for the Japanese Restoration Movement."

The high economic growth that had continued since the late 1960s suddenly turned to a period of low growth in the late 1970s. The biggest political incident that Japan faced in the late 1970s was the revelation of the Lockheed corruption scandal (1976), the first crime committed by a sitting prime minister. Former Prime Minister Tanaka Kakuei was arrested, and right-wing heavyweight Kodama Yoshio (1911-1984) was brought into the spotlight as the mastermind behind the scandal. When it was revealed at the Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations of the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee that Kodama Yoshio had received a large amount of donations from Lockheed to fund the sale of aircraft to Japan, the right-wing camp split into two camps regarding the Kodama Lockheed scandal: those who supported Kodama and those who condemned him. Akao Satoshi, president of the Great Japan Patriotic Party, rose to the occasion to condemn Kodama, and held a "Patriotic Organizations Emergency Measures Conference" at the Kudan Kaikan in Kudan, Tokyo. The pro-Kodama group, the Youth Thought Research Association (Seishikai), also declared its support for Kodama and took a stand against the anti-Kodama group. The two groups then engaged in violent altercations and gunfights over this issue, culminating in a shocking incident in June 1976 when a small plane crashed into Kodama's house, setting part of the house on fire.

In the late 1970s, Nomura Shusuke, chairman of the Patriotic Comrades Association, calling himself the "Youth Alliance to Overthrow the Yalta-Potsdam Regime," and others launched flamboyant attacks on the Japan Business Federation, appealed for the return of the Northern Territories, and aimed to legalize the era name, but in the 1980s, the new right-wing Japanese National Independence Volunteer Army and the United Front Volunteer Army, which called for the "overthrow of the anti-American, patriotic Y.P. regime," attracted attention. Their slogans included holding a ceremony to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the Emperor's reign, making an official visit to Yasukuni Shrine, discussing issues with history textbooks, and criticizing the Japan Teachers' Union (Nikkyoso), and were aimed at maintaining national culture and overthrowing the "postwar regime" that had lost the spirit of national independence. In May 1987, an attack on the Hanshin branch office of the Asahi Shimbun took place, with a group calling itself the "Japanese National Independence Volunteer Army Separate Sekihoutai" claiming responsibility. Within the right-wing movement of this period, there was also a movement to denounce money politics in the face of the structural corruption created by the "55 System." Furthermore, in the 1980s in Japan, a tendency toward a "return to conservatism" in politics was noted, namely the poor performance of both the Socialist and Communist parties in general elections, centrist parties becoming the ruling party, progressive local governments declining and disappearing, and young people becoming politically apathetic. In fact, given the right-wing's attributes as a counter-force against the left and progressive situations, this was a natural phenomenon.

However, the series of right-wing activities seen at the time of the replacement of Emperor Showa deserves special mention, such as the right-wing protests against Nagasaki Mayor Motojima Hitoshi's comments on the emperor's war responsibility in December 1988, and the persecution of some scholars' criticism of the state's involvement in the enthronement ceremony held in January 1989 (based on the argument that the government's use of public funds for the enthronement ceremony, which includes a Shinto ritual called the Daijosai, goes against the principle of separation of religion and state as stipulated in the constitution). The issue of the emperor, an important symbol for the right-wing, triggered a sudden resurgence of violent actions that had been calming down for a while. In any case, the mass media's minute-by-minute detailed reports of the emperor's condition, such as his blood pressure, temperature, and pulse rate, and the phenomenon of "self-restraint" and "recording" that unfolded all over Japan in response to this, fostered a mental atmosphere that could be called a kind of strange "self-restraint totalitarianism." The slogan of "respecting" the Imperial Family, which the right wing has always raised as its fighting goal, is in line with this deep-rooted pro-emperor sentiment among the general public, and it cannot be denied that right-wing leaders are aware of and have calculated this point.

Let's take a look at right-wing activity since the 1990s. Starting with the demolition of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, the collapse of the Soviet Union and Eastern European communism around 1990, and the Malta Conference held in December 1989 by the US and Soviet leaders G. H. W. Bush and Gorbachev and the declaration of the end of the Cold War were world-historical dramas that heralded the end of the anti-communist, anti-Soviet line that had been the basis of the right-wing for a long time after World War II. As a result, the right-wing was forced to construct new strategic goals. Furthermore, the formation of the Hosokawa Cabinet in August 1993 and the collapse of the "55 System" within Japan eliminated the previous ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism that had been the axis of the confrontation between the two major parties, the LDP and the Socialist Party, and when a LDP-LDP coalition cabinet headed by Socialist Party Chairman Murayama was formed in May 1994, it publicly declared a complete abandonment of the Socialist Party's previous basic line, declaring its intention to find the Self-Defense Forces constitutional, to respect the Hinomaru and Kimigayo, to declare the end of the role of unarmed neutrality, and, in a statement commemorating the 50th anniversary of the end of the war in August 1995, to mention not holding the Emperor accountable for the war. Then, in January 1996, the Hashimoto Cabinet was formed by the "Grand LDP-LDP Coalition." As if responding to these political changes, at its convention in September 1995 the JTU decided to change its policy from its previous opposition to the forced use of the Hinomaru and Kimigayo as symbols of militarism, and further changed its confrontational stance toward the Ministry of Education (now the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology) which it had maintained consistently since the end of World War II.

Due to these dramatic changes in domestic and international political situations, the right wing, which had been active in the areas of anti-communism, anti-Soviet, constitutional reform (establishment of an independent constitution), and rearmament, lost sight of its main objectives and became subdued from the late 1990s to the end of the 20th century. However, the right wing is often said to be a "paradox of nationalism." The new right wing groups that were prominent in the 1980s advocated a rejection of the established right wing that was pro-American and affirmed the postwar system, and while they also partially sympathized with the claims of the new left wing, they loudly called for the "overthrow of the Y.P. system" and the "overthrow of the postwar system." This movement, combined with the recent trend in the so-called "liberal view of history" in the debate, foreshadows the right wing movement in Japan in the near future.

[Takeshi Nishida]

The contemporary European right wing

The coalition government of Austria's Freedom Party and the conservative People's Party, which was formed in February 2000, attracted a great deal of attention not only in the European Union (EU) countries but also around the world as a right-wing party (Freedom Party) taking power. The Freedom Party's head, Haider, whose parents were Nazi activists, and his own past comments tolerating Nazi rule, influenced sanctions and overreactions from EU countries. The fact that the Austrian Freedom Party is the largest right-wing force in the EU, and its victory in a free election in Austria, undoubtedly made the shock even greater in European countries. However, the Freedom Party's victory is likely due to the backlash against the corruption that had been created by the long-term rule of the two major parties, and the appeal of Haider's statement to freeze the acceptance of immigrants and his skeptical stance toward European integration to many voters who were worried about their own identity due to the large number of immigrants. There are also voices from experts in Austria who say that Haider is not a neo-Nazi but simply a populist politician. The participation of the Austrian Freedom Party in government is not expected to immediately lead to the expansion of right-wing forces in EU countries, but the subtle impact it will have on neo-Nazi forces in neighboring Germany, which has consistently taken a tough stance against Nazi war criminals, will be worth watching in the future. Emphasizing the social unrest and increase in crime caused by the massive influx of foreigners, and the associated issues of exclusion and discrimination against foreigners, as seen in Tokyo Governor Ishihara Shintaro's "three nationalities" comment in April 2000, is quite likely to emerge as a new slogan of the right-wing movement in Japan in the future.

[Takeshi Nishida]

Problems facing the right wing in modern Japan

One of the problems facing the right wing in modern Japan is that the "anti-establishment" concepts or ideas advocated by former nationalist groups have become diluted and lackluster. There is no need to compare the current right wing camp with the Pan-Asianists of the Genyosha Society, the National Socialists, and Kita Ikki's "Outline of the Japan Reform Bill" in the early Meiji period. The current right wing camp lacks ideological originality, imagination, and above all, a sense of subjectivity backed by a strong sense of mission.

Regardless of the merits or demerits of the content of those claims, the Greater Asianism movement before World War II, from Tarui Tokichi's "Daito Gapokuron" to Ishiwara Kanji's idea of the "East Asia League," was an expression of the passionate political energy of nationalists who were soaring with the aim of combining the two driving forces of Asia's liberation and the establishment of our national sovereignty.

In contrast, attacks on the Japan Teachers' Union in the 1980s and movements demanding that local governments ease land restrictions played the role of a de facto separate force of the conservative ruling class. This decline and decadence of the right wing manifested itself in the nature of the "money-powerful right wing" that was closely connected to the political world at the top. In that sense, it may be said that the orthodox right wing in Japan had already died out before the Pacific War. After the war, Kodama Yoshio, who was said to be a leader of the right wing, was severely criticized even from within his own camp for the Lockheed scandal, as mentioned above. As of 1998, there were approximately 1,000 right wing groups and 90,000 members in Japan. This includes large-scale activist right wing groups such as the International Federation for Victory over Communism and the Society for the Study of Principles. However, it should be noted that in terms of their organizational strength, financial power, and ingenious form of movement, religious right wing groups such as Seicho-no-Ie and the Association of Shinto Shrines are now functioning as the favorites of the right wing in the new era.

In any case, we need to pay attention to this change in the main players within the right-wing camp - the emergence of mass organization by more modern "right-wingers in suits" instead of the heroic rule of the past by a small number of "patriots" or charismatic figures - and to a realistic understanding of the true nature of the right-wing, which is contributing to the rightward shift in the situation while shaking the foundations of "postwar democracy" by staying close to the ruling class, and while taking into account the stagnation of the Japanese economy after the collapse of the bubble economy and the people's anxiety about the future.

[Takeshi Nishida]

"Kinoshita Hanji, "The Right Wing of Japan" (1953, Yoshobo)" ▽ "Contemporary Thought V: Reactions" (1957, Iwanami Shoten)" ▽ "Maruyama Masao, "Thought and Actions of Modern Politics" (1964, Miraisha)" ▽ "Edited and explained by Hashikawa Fumizo, "Contemporary Japanese Thought System 31: Supernationalism" (1964, Chikuma Shobo)" ▽ "C. Schmidt, translated by Tanaka Hiroshi and Harada Takeo, "Concepts of Political Things" (1970, Miraisha)" ▽ "Hori Yukio, "Post-War Right Wing Forces" (1993, Keisoshobo)" ▽ "Revised Edition of Takagi Masayuki, "Right Wings, Activities and Organizations" (1996, Saturday Bijutsusha Publishing, Sale)" ▽ "History of Modern Japanese Political Thought" (1998, Nakanishiya Publishing)" ▽ "Yamaguchi Sada and Takahashi Susumu, "The New Right Wing of Europe" (1998, Asahi Shimbun Co., Ltd.)" ▽ "Kenichi Matsumoto, "The Right Wing of Thought" (2000, Ronsosha)" ▽ "Ivan Morris Nationalism and the Right Wing in Japan; A study of post-war trends (1960, Oxford University Press)"

Source: Shogakukan Encyclopedia Nipponica About Encyclopedia Nipponica Information | Legend

Japanese:

他の多くの政治的用語がそうであるように、右翼ということばも多義的であり、対立概念の左翼と同様、元来、相対的な意味しかもたないゆえに、厳密な定義を行うことは困難である。

　右翼の語源は、18世紀末のフランス革命期の国民公会la Convention Nationale（1792～95）における議席の位置、つまり、議長席からみて左側に急進派（ジャコバン派）、中央に中間派（沼沢党、平原党）、そして右側に穏健派（ジロンド派）が席を占めたところに、その名の由来があるといわれている。

　具体的な内外の政治状況のなかで、右翼の活動内容や機能の実態はさまざまに異なるが、現在では一般に、反共、反社会主義、反民主主義、保守的反動的国家主義、超国家主義（ウルトラ・ナショナリズム）のエートス（精神）やイデオロギーをもつ、ファッショ的集団ないし人物を意味する用語として理解されている。

［西田　毅］

歴史的展開

19世紀前半のナポレオン没落後のヨーロッパに誕生したウィーン体制や、1848年のフランス・ドイツを中心に展開された「ヨーロッパ革命」とその後の反動勢力の復活、1871年のパリ・コミューン前後、ロシア第一革命（1905）に続く反動期――1906年から11年のP・A・ストルイピンによる反動支配の時代――などに、われわれは典型的な政治的反動ないし反革命の時代をみる。

　そして、20世紀に入って、1920～30年代のヨーロッパやアジア、南アメリカ諸国において、さまざまな右翼団体が反共と全体主義政治秩序の形成の推進力となって横行し、日独伊を中心とした枢軸国のファシズム運動と結合して、全世界を第二次世界大戦のるつぼと化した歴史的経験は、いまだわれわれの記憶に生々しい。右翼運動すなわちファシズムというとらえ方はもちろん不可能であるが、ファシズムの全体状況のなかで、右翼団体がイデオロギーと運動の面で大きな役割を演じたことは否定できない。

［西田　毅］

ファシズム――その背景・運動・イデオロギー

まず、ファシズムについて簡単な定義を試みることにしよう。ファシズムは、典型的には、第一次世界大戦とロシア革命の成立に続く資本主義の全般的危機の時代に、ドイツ、イタリア、日本などの諸国に現れた政治支配体制であり、先進、後進両帝国主義諸国間の国際的対立と経済的危機――生産力の停滞、大量の失業者、物価の暴落など――に対して、その克服を実現せんとする労働組合その他の民主団体の社会改革や革命運動に敵対する勢力として台頭した。その支配の担い手は、右翼政治家、軍人、官僚、民間の右翼リーダーたちで構成され、展開される具体的なファシズム運動の形態は、その国の置かれている歴史的状況の違いによって異なる。たとえば、ワイマール共和制のドイツやイタリアのような強力な労働者政党、労働組合、農民組合を中心とする急進的労働運動が存在するところでは、軍事独裁によるファッショ政権の樹立は困難である。

　それらの諸国では、大衆的なファシスト団体――ちなみに、ナチスは「国民社会主義ドイツ労働者党」Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterparteiという党名からして、擬似的性格とはいえ、民衆的基盤に立脚していることを示していた――を結成して、それを足場にして、いわば既存の統治機構の外側からファッショ勢力が権力を獲得する、いわゆる「下から」の運動が展開された。他方、わが国のように、軍部や財閥、重臣、官僚勢力を中心とする「上から」の支配体制内部の編成替えによるファッショ化が進行していったところでは、支配層は民間の右翼やファシスト団体を一定期間利用するにはするが、国内のファッショ化が完成すると、もはや彼らは右翼団体の利用価値を認めず、資金援助を断ったり人的結合を解くなど排除の姿勢をとる。

　次にファシズムのイデオロギー的特徴をアトランダムに列挙すれば、なによりもまず、議会制民主政治と複数政党制の否定、自由民主主義や共産主義、国際協調精神の排撃、そして積極的な実践綱領としては、自民族至上主義――アーリアン人種、北方ゲルマン人種、なかんずくドイツ民族の優秀性の強調、人種差別＝ユダヤ人の迫害――、超国家主義（ウルトラ・ナショナリズム）や軍国主義的対外膨張論の鼓吹――日本の場合、八紘一宇(はっこういちう)の精神に基づく東亜新秩序の建設などにみられる――、全体主義的国家観に依拠した自由主義国家論の攻撃――政治の本質を「友・敵」理論においてとらえたナチスのイデオローグ、C・シュミットは、個人や社会に対する国家の優位の主張、すなわち全体主義原理を説き、戦争や内戦といった例外的状態にあって、国家の敵が何者であるかの決定を下す者が主権者たる国家の役割であると強調している――などが主要な特徴としてあげられよう。

　アドルフ・ヒトラーのかの有名な『わが闘争』Mein Kampfには、大衆に対する徹底した消極的認識が展開されている。つまり、そこには「大衆は冷静な理性よりも感情に動かされやすい。しかもその感情はきわめて単純である。彼らの感情にはほとんど陰影（ニュアンス）がなく、ただ対立があるのみである」という認識があり、こうした情動的（エモーショナル）な大衆をもっぱら少数のエリートによって操作される対象とみなしたナチのリーダーたちは、大衆嚮導(きょうどう)の手段としての宣伝価値の重要性を強調したのであった。

　要するに、大衆の創造的能力や能動性に対するきわめて強い不信感と、もっぱら政治（支配）の客体として無知な大衆をとらえる姿勢、すなわちエリート主義に基づく指導者原理がそこには露骨に出ている。そしてこのようなファシズム全般に共通してみられる思想的特徴に加えて、わが国の天皇制ファシズムに特有のイデオロギーとして、(1)家族（主義的）国家観＝国家構成の基本原理としての家の強調、国家は一大家族であるという主張、(2)忠君愛国・忠孝一致の思想、(3)農本主義思想、(4)大アジア主義＝アジア民族の「解放」とヨーロッパ帝国主義にかわって日本がアジアにおける支配のヘゲモニーを握らんとする考え方、などがあげられるであろう。

　なお、ナチズムやイタリア・ファシズムの影響を受けてイギリスではO・モーズリーがイギリス・ファシスト同盟を結成し、フランスでは人民戦線Front populaireに対抗して、シャルル・モーラスのアクシオン・フランセーズや愛国青年同盟などの右翼団体が国民戦線Front Nationalを結成するなど、先進民主主義諸国にも右翼団体の活発な動きがみられた。

［西田　毅］

第二次世界大戦前の日本における右翼運動とファシズム

第二次世界大戦前のわが国のファシズムは天皇制ファシズムとよばれており、同時代の西欧世界におけるファシズムと比べて、その政治機構・運動・イデオロギーの面でさまざまな違いがある。もちろん、人権や民主主義の否定、暴力と戦争の賛美、反動・反革命の標榜(ひょうぼう)、傍若無人な対外侵略の鼓吹といった、およそ世界のファシズムに共通の属性は、太平洋戦争下のわが国のファシズム運動においても顕著にみられた。そしてそうした状況の創出の一翼を担ったのが、ほかならぬ右翼団体なのであった。

　そこで、日本の右翼の思想性に注目しながら、ファシズム状況の進展と右翼運動のかかわりについて、より具体的に考察してみたい。

　わが国の右翼運動には、1881年（明治14）に創立され、観念右翼の草分けといわれている玄洋社以来、伝統的な国粋派＝日本主義派とよばれるグループと、「近代的」な国家社会主義派の二つの潮流があり、それらが、ときには観念右翼対組織右翼、「中核組織論対大衆組織論」、反議会主義対議会主義といったいくつかの対立を形づくった（木下半治著『右翼テロ』1960・法律文化社）。そしてそのいずれもが体制批判の姿勢と彼らなりの現状変革のプログラムを掲げていた。

　この点については、明治維新後、新政府が最初に体験した反政府運動である西南戦争を契機として玄洋社が生まれたことや、のちに玄洋社三傑の一人といわれた頭山満(とうやまみつる)（1855―1944）は、西郷隆盛(たかもり)が征韓論に敗れて下野するや、征韓論派と気脈を通じて維新の新政府を非難し、朝鮮討伐の機運を盛り上げようとしたことなどを考えるとき、明治期の右翼運動のリーダーたちが抱いた「反体制」の原像や志士的人間像の輪郭が浮かび上がってくる。前原一誠(まえばらいっせい)の萩(はぎ)の乱（1876）に呼応した頭山らは、のちに武力蜂起(ほうき)から「言論実力を以(もっ)て秕政(ひせい)改善」に向かわんとした。かくして成立したのが玄洋社の前身である向陽社（1878年創立）であった。向陽社は約300余の塾生を擁して、土佐の立志社、熊本の相愛社らと並ぶ政社として名声を博し、植木枝盛(うえきえもり)ら中央の有力な自由民権派のリーダーを迎えて公開演説会を開いたという。玄洋社の掲げる「憲則」に「第一条皇室を敬戴(けいたい)す可(べ)し　第二条本国を愛重す可し　第三条人民の権利を固守す可し」とあるように、そこには初期自由民権運動と深い思想的つながりがあった。このような近代日本における右翼と左翼の同時的誕生、ならびに両派が共有する精神傾向、「民権」と「国権」のアンビバレンス・相互移譲性など、それが示唆するところの意味は大きい。その後、玄洋社から天佑侠(てんゆうきょう)（1894年＝明治27創立）、黒竜会(こくりゅうかい)（1901年＝明治34創立、社主内田良平(りょうへい)）が生まれ、彼らが中心となって大アジア主義の実践活動を行った。黒竜会は1931年（昭和6）に「大日本生産党」と改称、さらに中心メンバーであった吉田益三(ますぞう)は、右翼団体の全国的組織化に乗り出し、36年には「全国愛国団体統一連盟」を結成した。こうした昭和初期の右翼組織の編成替えには一部労農大衆党や労働組合の支持や参加もあり、この時期には伝統的な観念右翼の「近代的」ファシズム化が顕著にみられた。

　観念右翼とは別の本来の「近代的」ファシズム団体は、第一次世界大戦後の大正デモクラシーの時代に叢生(そうせい)する。すなわち、大戦後ヨーロッパの自由主義思潮の復活とドイツのワイマール・デモクラシーの勃興(ぼっこう)、それにロシア革命の成功といった国際的契機に刺激されて、国内では閥族打破、政党政治の確立、普通選挙制実施、日本共産党の結党（1922）という政治状況や、米騒動（1918）の発生、労働争議、小作争議の頻発といった社会状況が醸成された。そこで、外来のリベラリズムや社会主義に対抗して、こうした「赤化思想」を討伐し、国内の政治経済の腐敗を除去する「革新」政策を打ち出す右翼団体が相次いで結成された。こうしたなかで、老壮会（1918年創立）や猶存社(ゆうぞんしゃ)（1919年創立、北一輝(いっき)、大川周明(しゅうめい)、満川亀太郎(みつかわかめたろう)らが中心で、北の『日本改造法案大綱』が実践綱領となった）、行地社(こうちしゃ)（1924年創立、大川、満川、安岡正篤(まさひろ)らが中心）、神武会(じんむかい)（1932年創立、菊池武夫(たけお)、石原広一郎、河本大作らが中心）らの革新右翼、それに、高畠素之(たかばたけもとゆき)、上杉慎吉(しんきち)らの経綸学盟(けいりんがくめい)（1919年創立）のような国家社会主義派と国粋主義派の結合が実現した。ついで満州事変前後から二・二六事件当時にかけて現れた特徴は、民間の右翼と軍部勢力とくに青年将校との結び付きの強化や、テロリズム――血盟団事件、五・一五事件（1932）、神兵隊事件（1933）、永田事件（相沢事件、1935）から、最大規模のクーデター二・二六事件（1936）に至る一連の急進テロ――などの急進ファッショの活発な動きである。この時期は軍部がファシズム運動の推進母体となって、しだいに国政の中枢を占めるようになる。また二・二六事件以後、1937年の日中戦争の勃発、太平洋戦争への突入と敗戦に至る時期――それは日本ファシズムの完成期であると同時に崩壊に至る時期でもあった――においては、軍部が「上から」のファシズムの担い手となって、官僚・重臣などの半封建的勢力と独占資本およびブルジョア政党との間に不安定な連合支配体制が築き上げられた。そして、太平洋戦争に突入（1941）するころまでは、戦争熱をあおり、ファシズムの推進勢力として利用された民間の右翼団体も、この時期に入ると、すっかり体制内化して鎮静させられている。支配層によるコントロールの実態は、近衛(このえ)新体制運動（1940）や東条政権のときに顕著にみられる。第二次近衛内閣が組閣され新体制運動が推進されるや、挙国一致の政治体制樹立に向けてあらゆる既成政党の解散が要求された。その際、多数の右翼団体は政治団体たることをやめて文化団体ないし思想団体へと積極的に改組――たとえば、中野正剛(せいごう)の東方会は振東社に、石原莞爾(かんじ)が率いる東亜連盟協会は東亜連盟同志会に、大日本党は「やまとむすび」、大日本生産党は大日本一新会にというふうに――していった。そして、東条政権のときには、興亜連盟を結成（1941）して、あらゆる右翼団体を統合しようとした。しかし、このときには、東亜連盟や東方会、天野辰夫(たつお)の維新公論社らは東条の方針に強い反対の姿勢を示した。

［西田　毅］

第二次世界大戦後の日本における右翼

太平洋戦争の敗北によって右翼はいったんは壊滅的な打撃を受けたが、1951～52年（昭和26～27）のサンフランシスコ講和会議から独立の前後にかけて、よみがえった。その後、60年安保改定阻止の国民運動の未曽有(みぞう)の高まりは右翼勢力を奮い立たせた。日米軍事同盟の破棄と議会制民主政治の擁護を求めて盛り上がった広範な民衆のエネルギーを妨害せんとして発揮された右翼の暴力は露骨を極めた。60年10月、山口二矢(おとや)によって白昼、三党首立会い演説会の壇場で最大野党の社会党委員長浅沼稲次郎が刺殺されるというショッキングな事件は、こうした異常な興奮に包まれた右翼テロのピークをなすものであった。また、この年12月には作家深沢七郎が書いた小説『風流夢譚(ふうりゅうむたん)』が『中央公論』に掲載されたことを右翼団体が問題視して中央公論社に押しかけた。さらに翌61年2月元大日本愛国党員小森一孝が、『風流夢譚』が皇室を冒涜(ぼうとく)したものであると憤激して、中央公論社社長の嶋中鵬二(しまなかほうじ)宅に侵入して同家の家政婦を刺殺して自首した。皇室と天皇制批判への言論表現の自由の問題に関しては、中央公論社が『思想の科学』の「天皇制特集号」（1962年1月号）を発売中止にするなど右翼や公安調査庁の動向に過敏になって自主規制する動きが目だった。岸政権の後を継いだ池田内閣は政治的対決を回避し、国内にみなぎる政治的興奮状態の鎮静に努めた。

　続く佐藤内閣時代には、紀元節が「建国記念の日」と名を変えて復活（1967）、それに続いて68年には明治維新百年祭が挙行されて、神社関係者や右翼、一部財界人を活気づけた。そして70年11月には三島事件が発生した。「楯(たて)の会」代表の三島由紀夫(ゆきお)ら5名は陸上自衛隊の東京・市谷(いちがや)駐屯地を訪ね、総監室を占拠してこれを排除しようとした自衛隊員に日本刀などで切りつけ重軽傷を負わせた。そして、三島はバルコニーに出て決起を促すビラをまき演説を試みた。その後三島は総監室に戻り、割腹自殺、森田必勝（早大生）が介錯(かいしゃく)して斬首した。この高名な作家の異常な死は国内外に大きな衝撃を与えた。時の政府は「民主的秩序を破壊する」「常軌を逸した行動」として非難したが、右翼陣営はこれこそ「日本維新運動の突破口」を切り開く「義挙」であるとして、いっせいに賛美した。

　1960年代後半から続いてきた高度経済成長が一転して低成長時代に入った70年代後半のわが国が直面した最大の政治事件は、なんといっても史上初めてといわれる現職総理の犯罪であるロッキード汚職の発覚（1976）である。田中角栄元首相が逮捕され、右翼の大物児玉誉士夫(よしお)（1911―84）が事件の黒幕としてクローズアップされた。アメリカ上院外交委員会の多国籍企業小委員会において、児玉誉士夫がロッキード社から航空機の対日販売工作資金として多額の献金を受け取っていたことが明らかにされるや、右翼陣営は児玉のロッキード疑惑をめぐって、その対応姿勢が「児玉支持派」と「糾弾派」の二つに割れた。大日本愛国党総裁の赤尾敏は「児玉糾弾」に立ち上がり、東京・九段の九段会館で「愛国団体緊急時局対策懇談会」を開催した。また、支持派の青年思想研究会（青思会）は「児玉擁護」の立場を表明して反児玉グループと対立姿勢をあらわにした。この問題をめぐって両派はその後殴り込みやピストル発射の乱闘を引き起こし、76年6月ついに児玉宅に小型飛行機が突入、住宅の一部が炎上するというショッキングな事件に発展した。

　1970年代後半には「Y．P（ヤルタ・ポツダム）体制打倒青年同盟」を名のる憂国同志会長野村秋介らが経団連襲撃や北方領土返還アピール、元号法制化をねらったはでな動きを展開するが、80年代に入って「反米愛国Y．P体制打倒」を訴える新右翼の日本民族独立義勇軍、統一戦線義勇軍らの動きが注目される。かれらのスローガンは天皇在位60年記念式典の挙行や靖国神社公式参拝の実現、歴史教科書問題、日本教職員組合（日教組）批判など国粋文化の保持と民族独立の精神を喪失した「戦後体制」の打破にあるが、87年5月には朝日新聞阪神支局襲撃事件が「日本民族独立義勇軍別動赤報隊」を名のるグループの犯行声明とともに起こった。この時期の右翼運動のなかには、「55年体制」が生み出した構造汚職に対する金権政治糾弾の動きもみられた。そして1980年代の日本において指摘された政治的な「保守回帰」の傾向、すなわち、総選挙における社会・共産両党の不振、中道政党の与党化、革新自治体の後退と消滅、若年層の政治的無関心といった現象のなかで、テロルなど、はでな右翼の政治活動は鳴りを潜めた。けだし、左翼や革新状況に対する反撃勢力としての右翼の属性からいって、それは自然な現象であるといえよう。

　しかし、1988年12月、本島等(もとじまひとし)長崎市長が天皇の戦争責任について発言したことに対する右翼の抗議行動、また89年1月に行われた天皇即位の儀式に国家が関与することへの一部学者の批判（大嘗祭(だいじょうさい)という神事が含まれる即位の儀式に政府が公費を支出するのは、憲法で定める政教分離の原則に反するという論拠に基づく）に対して迫害を加えるなど、昭和天皇の代替りにみられた一連の右翼の活動は特筆に値しよう。右翼にとって天皇という重要なシンボルの問題を契機に、しばらく沈静化していた実力行動がにわかに再燃した感があった。とにかく、昭和天皇の死去の前後には、マス・メディアによる天皇の血圧、体温、脈拍等の容態に関する刻々の詳細な報道とそれに呼応するかのような日本全国で展開された「自粛」と「記帳」現象は、一種異様な「自粛全体主義」ともいうべき精神的雰囲気を醸成した。右翼が闘争目標として、つねに掲げてきた皇室「敬戴」のスローガンは、このような国民一般の根強いプロ天皇感情と通底しており、かつまた右翼リーダーに、その点の認識と計算があることは否定できないであろう。

　1990年代に入ってからの右翼活動を一瞥(いちべつ)しよう。1989年11月の「ベルリンの壁」取り壊しに始まり、90年前後のソ連、東ヨーロッパ共産主義の崩壊、89年12月に行われたG・H・W・ブッシュ、ゴルバチョフの米ソ首脳による「マルタ会談」と「冷戦終結宣言」は、第二次世界大戦後、長い間、右翼のよりどころとなっていた反共反ソ路線の終結を告げる世界史的なドラマであった。その結果、右翼は新たな戦略目標の構築を迫られることになった。加えて、国内で93年（平成5）8月に細川内閣が成立し「55年体制」が崩壊したことは、自民党と社会党の二大政党の対立を軸とした資本主義対社会主義といった従来のイデオロギー対立を消滅させ、さらに、94年5月村山社会党委員長を首班とする自社連立内閣が成立するに及んで、自衛隊合憲、「日の丸」「君が代」尊重の意思表明や非武装中立の役割終了の表明、そして95年8月の戦後50年記念発言で、天皇の戦争責任不問の言及があるなど、かつての社会党の基本路線の完全な放棄を公言する事態が発生した。そして、96年1月には「自社大連合」による橋本内閣が成立する。このような政治的変動に応ずるかのように、日教組はそれまで軍国主義のシンボルとして「日の丸」「君が代」の強制に反対し続けてきたのを95年9月の大会で方針転換を決定、さらに、第二次世界大戦後一貫して継続してきた文部省（現文部科学省）との対決の姿勢を変えた。

　このような内外の政治情勢の激変によって、反共反ソ、憲法改正＝自主憲法制定、再軍備の促進を掲げて活動してきた右翼は、その主要な闘争目標を見失って沈静化しているのが90年代後半から20世紀末の状況である。しかし、右翼は「ナショナリズムの逆説」であるとよくいわれる。1980年代に目だった活動をした新右翼グループが主張した、親米と戦後体制を肯定する既成右翼の否定、そして新左翼の主張とも一部分で共感しつつ、「Y．P体制打倒」「戦後体制打倒」を声高に叫ぶその動きには、最近の論壇におけるいわゆる「自由主義史観」の動向とも相まって、近い将来のわが国の右翼運動を予見せしむるものがある。

［西田　毅］

現代ヨーロッパの右翼

2000年2月に誕生したオーストリアの自由党と保守系国民党の連立政権は、右翼政党（自由党）の政権掌握として、ヨーロッパ連合（EU）諸国はもちろん、全世界で大きな注目を集めた。自由党党首のハイダーは両親がナチスの活動家であったことや、彼自身のナチスの支配を容認するこれまでの発言が影響してEU諸国から制裁発動や過剰反応を引き出した。オーストリアの自由党がEU内の最大の右翼勢力であること、そしてオーストリア国内の自由な選挙で勝利したこともヨーロッパ各国の衝撃をより大きなものにしたことは確かであろう。しかし、自由党の勝因は、長年の二大政党の支配が生み出した腐敗に対する反発や、大量の移民を抱えて自らのアイデンティティに不安を感ずる多くの有権者に対して、ハイダーの掲げる移民の受け入れを凍結する声明やヨーロッパ統合にも懐疑的な姿勢がアピールしたものと考えられる。また、ハイダーがネオナチではなく、単なる大衆政治家であるといったオーストリア国内の識者の声もある。オーストリアの自由党の政権参加が、ただちに、EU各国に右翼勢力の拡大をもたらすとは考えられないが、ナチス戦犯に一貫して厳しい姿勢を取り続けている隣国ドイツのネオナチ勢力に与える微妙な影響は、今後、注目に値しよう。外国人の大量流入による社会不安や犯罪の増加を強調したり、そのことと関連した外国人の排除や差別といった問題は、2000年4月の東京都知事石原慎太郎の「三国人」発言にみられるように、将来、日本においても、新たな右翼運動のスローガンとして登場してくる可能性は十分考えられる。

［西田　毅］

現代日本の右翼が抱える問題点

現代日本の右翼が当面する問題点の一つは、かつての国家主義団体が唱えていた彼らなりの「反体制」の構想ないしイデーが希釈化し精彩を欠いてしまっている点にこそある。遠く明治の初期、玄洋社系アジア主義者や国家社会主義派、そして北一輝の『日本改造法案大綱』を比較の対象にあげるまでもなく、現在の右翼陣営は思想的な独創性や構想力、そしてなによりも強い使命感に裏づけられた主体性に乏しい。

　その主張内容の是非は別として、第二次世界大戦前の大アジア主義運動にしても、それは、樽井藤吉(たるいとうきち)の『大東合邦論』から石原莞爾の「東亜連盟」の思想に至るまで、アジアの解放とわが国権の確立という二つの契機の結合を目ざして奔騰したナショナリストたちの熱い政治的エネルギーの発露なのであった。

　それに対して1980年代の日教組襲撃や、地方自治体に宅地規制緩和を要求する運動などは保守支配層の実質的な別動隊の役割を演じていた。こうした右翼の低迷退廃ぶりが、頂点における政界と密着した「金権右翼」の体質となって現れたのである。その意味では、日本の正統右翼は太平洋戦争前にすでに死滅したといえるかもしれない。戦後、右翼の巨頭ともいわれた児玉誉士夫は前述のようにロッキード疑惑で自陣営内部からすらも厳しい批判を受けたのである。1998年現在、わが国の右翼勢力は約1000団体、9万人といわれている。そこには、国際勝共連合、原理研究会などの規模の大きい行動右翼も含まれている。しかし、その組織力、財政力、運動形態の巧妙さといった点で、生長の家や神社本庁といった宗教右翼がいまや新しい時代の右翼の本命として機能していることに注意すべきであろう。

　ともかく、こうした右翼陣営内部における主役の交替――かつての少数の「志士」ないしカリスマによる英雄主義的支配にかわって、よりモダンな「背広を着た右翼」による大衆組織化の出現――に注目するとともに、支配層と密着しながら「戦後民主主義」の根底を揺さぶりつつ、バブル経済崩壊後の日本経済の沈滞と国民の先行き不安の感情を読みながら、状況の右傾化の進展に荷担する右翼の実態をリアルに認識する必要があるのではなかろうか。

［西田　毅］

『木下半治著『日本の右翼』（1953・要書房）』▽『『現代思想Ⅴ　反動の思想』（1957・岩波書店）』▽『丸山真男著『現代政治の思想と行動』（1964・未来社）』▽『橋川文三編集・解題『現代日本思想体系31　超国家主義』（1964・筑摩書房）』▽『C・シュミット著、田中浩・原田武雄訳『政治的なものの概念』（1970・未来社）』▽『堀幸雄著『戦後の右翼勢力』（1993・勁草書房）』▽『高木正幸著『右翼・活動と団体』改訂版（1996・土曜美術社出版販売）』▽『西田毅編『近代日本政治思想史』（1998・ナカニシヤ出版）』▽『山口定・高橋進編『ヨーロッパ新右翼』（1998・朝日新聞社）』▽『松本健一著『思想としての右翼』（2000・論創社）』▽『Ivan MorrisNationalism and the Right Wing in Japan；A study of post-war trends（1960, Oxford University Press）』