A general term for certain politicians who were involved in deciding important national policies and selecting the Prime Minister before World War II. After the Meiji Restoration, leading politicians from the Satsuma and Choshu clans, such as Okubo Toshimichi and Kido Takayoshi, held power as Genkun (former statesmen of the Restoration), but in 1889 (Meiji 22), when Kuroda Kiyotaka resigned as Prime Minister and Ito Hirobumi resigned as President of the Privy Council, they received an Imperial edict from Emperor Meiji granting preferential treatment to Genkun (former statesmen). This specified their status as Genkun (former statesmen), and after that, in 1898, Matsukata Masayoshi received a similar Imperial edict when he resigned as Prime Minister, and during this time Inoue Kaoru, Saigo Tsugumichi, Oyama Iwao and others also received similar treatment. They consulted the Emperor when selecting the successor Prime Minister, and also when it came to overcoming important foreign affairs issues and difficult domestic situations. Among them, Ito and Yamagata Aritomo had a strong voice, while Matsukata and Inoue used their influence in the business world to demonstrate their skill in finance and economics. After Katsura Taro became Prime Minister in 1901 (Meiji 34), the Genro did not take charge of the government themselves, but instead demonstrated their leadership at the time of the conclusion of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance and the Russo-Japanese War, and even during the Keien period after the Russo-Japanese War, they exercised their influence from outside the government. After Ito's death in 1909, Yamagata's voice became enormous, and Katsura Taro joined the Genro at the end of the Meiji era, and Saionji Kinmochi joined the ranks at the beginning of the Taisho era. However, the political weight of the genro gradually declined during the Taisho period, and after Yamagata's death in 1922 (Taisho 11), Saionji was the last genro to select the successor prime minister. Saionji aimed to establish an ideal party system, and contributed to the realization of party politics from 1921 to 1931 (Showa 6), but he was troubled by the mudslinging conflicts between political parties and the military's independent actions. From 1931 onwards, amidst the fascist movement led by the military, Saionji maintained a cooperative line with Britain and the United States, and worked to nominate as prime minister a person who could restrain the military. However, after recommending Konoe Fumimaro in 1937 (Showa 12), he declined to nominate any candidates for prime minister, citing old age, and thereafter consulted with a council of senior statesmen led by the Minister of the Interior. With Saionji's death in 1940, the genro disappeared in both name and reality. [Uno Shunichi] [Reference] |Source: Shogakukan Encyclopedia Nipponica About Encyclopedia Nipponica Information | Legend |
第二次世界大戦前に国家の重要政策の決定や首相選任にあたった特定の政治家の総称。明治維新後、維新の元勲(げんくん)として大久保利通(おおくぼとしみち)、木戸孝允(きどたかよし)ら薩長(さっちょう)両藩出身の指導的政治家が中心となって権力を掌握していたが、1889年(明治22)黒田清隆(きよたか)が首相を辞任し、伊藤博文(ひろぶみ)が枢密院議長を辞任するに際して、明治天皇から「元勲優遇」の詔勅を受けた。これが元勲としての身分を特定し、以後、98年に松方正義(まつかたまさよし)が首相辞任に際して同様な詔勅を受けるが、この間に井上馨(かおる)、西郷従道(さいごうつぐみち)、大山巌(いわお)らも同様な待遇を受けた。彼らは後継首相の選任に際して天皇の諮問にあずかり、重要な外交問題や内政上の難局打開の際にも天皇の諮問を受けた。なかでも、伊藤、山県有朋(やまがたありとも)の発言力は大きく、松方、井上は財界への影響力を行使して財政・経済面で手腕を振るった。1901年(明治34)桂(かつら)太郎が首相に就任して以後は、元老自ら政権を担当することなく、日英同盟締結や日露戦争時にはその指導力を発揮し、日露戦争後の桂園(けいえん)時代にも、政権の外にあって影響力を行使した。09年伊藤の死後は山県の発言力が絶大となり、明治末年に桂太郎が、大正初めに西園寺公望(さいおんじきんもち)が新たに元老に加わった。 しかし大正期には元老の政治的比重はしだいに低下し、1922年(大正11)山県の死後は、西園寺が事実上最後の元老として後継首相の選任にあたった。西園寺は理想的な政党政治の確立を目ざし、24年から31年(昭和6)の政党政治の実現に寄与したが、政党間の泥仕合的な対立や軍部の独走などに苦悩した。西園寺は31年以降、軍部を先頭とするファッショ化の動きのなかで、英米との協調路線を維持し、軍部を抑制できる人材を首相候補に推挙するべく努めた。しかし37年(昭和12)近衛文麿(このえふみまろ)の推薦を最後に、老齢を理由として首相の推薦を辞退し、以後は内大臣を中心とする重臣会議に諮問することになった。40年西園寺の死とともに元老は名実ともに消滅した。 [宇野俊一] [参照項目] |出典 小学館 日本大百科全書(ニッポニカ)日本大百科全書(ニッポニカ)について 情報 | 凡例 |
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