Asuka period

Japanese: 飛鳥時代 - あすかじだい

Scope and Overview

The "Asuka period" was originally a period in the history of Japanese art, but it is often used as a period in political history as well. It is generally considered to be from around the reign of Empress Suiko (593-628) to the Taika Reforms (645), but some art historians believe that it should be extended further to the reign of Emperor Tenchi (662-671), and there is also a theory that the Asuka period should extend even further back to the time when the capital was moved to Heijō (710). Here, we will focus on the Asuka period in the broadest sense of the above. Looking at the locations of the Imperial Palaces during this period, there are none such as Toyoura Palace and Oharida Palace of Empress Suiko, Okamoto Palace of Emperor Jomei, Itabuki Palace of Empress Kogyoku, Kawara Palace of Emperor Saimei, and Kiyomihara Palace of Emperor Tenmu. Both were located in Asuka, and the Fujiwara-kyo capital of the two emperors who succeeded Tenmu, Jitō and Mommu, was also located within Asuka or adjacent to it to the north.During this period, the imperial palace was moved outside Asuka only for a total of about 15 years: less than 10 years during the reign of Kōtoku (to Naniwa) and just over five years during the reign of Tenchi (to Otsu).As the political and cultural center of this era was generally in Asuka, this period is called the Asuka period.

The Asuka period in the broad sense can therefore be described as the period after the introduction of Buddhism (538) and before the relocation of the capital to Heijō, but it is the establishment and development of a new culture that accompanied the introduction of Buddhism that distinguishes this period from the preceding Kofun period. Although kofun tombs were constructed up until the beginning of the 8th century, the Asuka period corresponds to the latter and final period of the Kofun period, and can therefore be said to have been the period that brought about the end of the kofun culture.

Furthermore, after the Taika Reforms, major changes were attempted in politics, economy, and society, and the nature of the era changed significantly as a result; therefore, it is convenient to divide this period into two periods, one before and one after the Taika Reforms.

In general, the Asuka period in a broad sense can be seen as an era of trial and error, and an accumulation of effort, as the Yamato state sought to break away from its character as a coalition of powerful clans and make the leap into a unified, centralized state, an imperial ritsuryo state.

[Hiromichi Mayuzumi]

Politics and Diplomacy

Japan in the 6th century

The ancient Japanese state, which was established around the 4th or 5th century, had already expanded its influence into the Korean Peninsula, controlling the Mimana states and exerting pressure on states such as Goguryeo, Silla, and Baekje, but Silla soon rose to power, and mismanagement by Japanese local authorities led to a succession of defections from the Mimana states, and Japan's policy towards Korea faced great difficulties. As a result, Mimana finally came under the control of Silla in 562, and Japan lost its important foothold on the Korean Peninsula. Looking at the domestic political situation from the 5th to 6th centuries through the Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, we can see that rivalries among the imperial family over the kingship of Yamato intensified, and that conflicts of interest between powerful clans also became serious, resulting in repeated bloody massacres, which resulted in the extinction of the imperial line from Nintoku, and the enthronement of Emperor Keitai, who had no blood ties to the previous dynasty at all, or if he did, was extremely distant, at the beginning of the 6th century. During this period, the two ministerial families of Katsuragi and Heguri were destroyed, and Otomo no Kanamura of Omuraji, who had been instrumental in supporting Keitai, reached the height of his power. However, this did not last long, and in the reign of Emperor Kinmei, the Mononobe clan of the Daimyo clan rose to power, seemingly overpowering them, while the Soga clan became ministers and wielded power through their marriage ties with the imperial family. The rise and fall of such powerful clans confused the foreign policy of the Yamato government, and, combined with the failure of local government officials on the Korean Peninsula, led to a rapid decline in Japan's prestige.

Originally, the Japanese political system at that time was a system far from a unified, centralized state, with the Yamato government, presided over by the Great King (Emperor), who led kings from all over the country under the title of Kuni no Miyatsuko (Kuni no Miyatsuko). In contrast, Silla had already introduced the Chinese Ritsuryo system in the early 6th century, during the reign of King Beopheung, and was making vigorous steps toward building a unified, centralized state. Given the various domestic and international situations in the 5th and 6th centuries, Japan's defeat from the Korean Peninsula was a foregone conclusion. Faced with this reality, Japan's ruling class began to seriously pursue a transformation of the national system.

The 6th century Yamato government, triggered by the suppression of the rebellion of Tsukushi no Kuni no Miyatsuko Iwai, established Miyake (government warehouses) as direct territories throughout the country by dividing up the Kuni no Miyatsuko territories, thereby controlling key military, economic and transportation points, summoning the families and children of Kuni no Miyatsuko to organize the Imperial Guard for the Emperor, and occasionally dispatching officials from the central government to collect taxes, thus weakening the authority of the Kuni no Miyatsuko as local rulers and making them vassals and bureaucrats. Furthermore, within the Yamato government, the Tomo no Miyatsuko and Shinabe system as a division of labor was expanded regionally, and the development of the government office system through the expansion of the system itself is recognized as a notable phenomenon. All of these indicate a trend toward centralization by the Yamato government, but it is already clear that one of the motives for this change in the national system was the domestic and international situations mentioned above. Furthermore, if the development of mass tombs in the 6th century reflects the growth of local middle-class and above peasant classes, one can only assume that there was a change in the relationship between the traditional patriarchal class and the peasants, and that change would make it difficult to maintain the traditional ruling system; in the case of the Yamato government, for example, the kuni no miyatsuko class had to adopt measures to strengthen their vassalage under the Yamato government and use that power to respond to changes in the local situation.

The 6th century - which includes seven emperors, namely Keitai, Ankan, Senka, Kinmei, Bidatsu, Yomei, and Sushun, as well as the beginning of the Suiko reign - can be said to be a time when the Yamato government transformed the national system, strengthened its power, improved its administrative structure, and began to move in a centralized, bureaucratic direction.

[Hiromichi Mayuzumi]

Suiko period

The government of the Suiko period, which received this, continued to advance along the same lines. First, in terms of domestic affairs, the establishment of the Twelve Ranks of Caps (603, the 11th year of the reign of Empress Suiko) can be mentioned. This system divided the Confucian virtues of virtue, benevolence, propriety, faith, righteousness, and wisdom into twelve ranks, with different materials and colors for the caps for each rank, and aimed to clarify a person's rank through the caps, which was a groundbreaking development as it was the origin of the Japanese rank system. Previously, the surnames (kabane) given by the Imperial Court to powerful clans were intended to determine the hierarchy among clans and maintain order in the clan-based society, but caps were given to individuals as government officials, were valid for one generation only, and could be promoted based on achievements and talent. In other words, the caps were meant to organize the order of government officials, and were nothing more than a device or policy to respond to the situation in which a wide range of government officials had emerged as a result of the promotion of the government office system. The granting and receiving of ranks signified confirmation of the relationship between lord and vassal and the bureaucratization of powerful clans, so there were those who resisted this (such as the Soga clan), and the implementation of the rank system was not realized all at once. It was not implemented nationwide until after the Taika era, and this was one of the limitations of the politics of the Suiko period.

The second is the Seventeen-Article Constitution. There are also many problems with this. For example, there has been debate since the Edo period about the authenticity of the Constitution, but here I will follow the theory that it was composed by Prince Shotoku. What is noteworthy throughout the Constitution are some of the political ideas expressed in it. First, it lists three components of a state: the sovereign, the subjects, and the people, and in particular shows the discipline and morality that should be observed by the subjects, i.e. the bureaucrats. This shows the image of the state that Prince Shotoku envisioned and the ideal relationship between the sovereign and his subjects. We can see in this the ideal image of the state that corresponds to the vassalization of powerful clans, including the kuni no miyatsuko. The first political idea that constitutes the Constitution is Confucianism, in which the people are merely objects to be governed from the beginning, and therefore the rule of the people through virtue is nothing other than the morality that subjects should follow. However, the ideas of Legalism are also prominently seen in the Constitution. While Confucianism values harmony through ritual, Legalism takes absolute priority over the sovereign, and is sometimes willing to interfere with the Confucian order. The importance that the prince attached to Legalist thought also provides a clue as to his view of the nation.

Thirdly, I would like to touch upon the kuniagata system as a national system around the time of the reign of Empress Suiko. According to the Sui Shu, there were 120 kuni in Japan, and 10 inaki (mistake for ji) belonged to one kuni. Since a kuni is a province, i.e. a kuni no miyatsuko, and an inaki is an inagi, i.e. an inagi prefecture, some speculate that a local administrative system, which could be called a kuni-ken system, was in operation in Japan at that time. On the other hand, some think that the article in the Sui Shu is far removed from the historical facts, but it is possible that this system was implemented at least in the areas around Kinai and parts of the eastern provinces. If the kuni-ken system was implemented in areas directly controlled by the Yamato government, it would be possible to imagine a centralized administration being implemented there. This can be seen as a policy that further promoted the direction already seen in the 6th century, but the model for such a system was already in place in the three Korean states. In this way, the reign of Suiko can be seen as a time when the ideas of one ruler and all people and the idea of royal subjects were emphasized and methods for realizing this idea were not only shown, but also when, although there were limitations, it was put into practice.

Next, let us consider the diplomacy of the Suiko period. The Sui dynasty, founded in 581 with the concession of the Northern Zhou dynasty, unified China in 589, but collapsed in 618 and was replaced by the Tang dynasty. The two great empires of the Sui and Tang had a strong influence on the surrounding nations and peoples, and Japan was no exception. In the early days of the Suiko period, military diplomacy was carried out based on the national policy of dispatching forces to Silla and restoring Mimana, but a second expedition led by a member of the imperial family as general ended in failure due to an internal collapse, and Silla itself came under the Sui dynasty's investiture system, forcing a change of policy and a shift to a foreign policy that placed the emphasis on diplomatic relations with the Sui dynasty. The dispatch of Japanese envoys to Sui in 600 (8th year of the reign of Empress Suiko), two times by Ono no Imoko in 607 and 608, and by Inugami no Mitasuki in 614, all of which appear only in the Sui Shu, all had the background of East Asian diplomacy as mentioned above. Since Silla had established a vassal relationship with the Sui, attacking it would have been considered an act of hostility against the Sui. This is also supported by the fact that Japan once again attempted to dispatch troops to Silla in 623, when the Sui dynasty had fallen and the power of the Tang dynasty was still unstable, but once diplomatic relations in East Asia, centered around the Tang dynasty, stabilized, Japan once again switched to direct diplomacy with the continent (dispatching envoys to the Tang dynasty) in 630 (2nd year of the reign of Emperor Jomei).

However, the difference between Japan and the three Korean kingdoms in terms of diplomacy with China is that Japan insisted on an equal diplomatic approach. The envoy from 600 states that the Wa king was Ametarishihiko and called himself Ohokimi, and in a national letter from 607 he was called "the son of heaven from the place where the sun rises" (Sui Shu), and the following year he was called "the emperor of the east" (Nihon Shoki). There are various factors behind the fact that the sovereign of Japan was called the great emperor, the son of heaven, or even the emperor, including the establishment of Japanese mythology (the emperor is a descendant of the sun goddess Amaterasu Omikami), the remarkable rise and development of the nation's power in the 6th century that made this possible, and the fact that diplomacy with China was suspended throughout the 6th century, which allowed Japan to forget or ignore the subordinate relationship that existed before the 5th century. The 6th century also had a great significance in diplomacy with China.

[Hiromichi Mayuzumi]

The reign of Emperor Jomei and Emperor Kogyoku

After Prince Shotoku died in 622, political leadership returned to the Soga clan, and when Empress Suiko died in 628, Emperor Jomei ascended to the throne with the strong recommendation of Soga no Emishi, and the Soga clan entered its heyday. The Soga clan had played a leading role in reforming the national system since the 6th century, so it was not surprising that they once again became leaders in politics after the death of the prince. However, the fact that the prince's surviving son, Prince Yamashiro no Oe, was suppressed in support of Emperor Jomei resulted in long-lasting problems. The Soga clan must have had their reasons for avoiding Yamashiro, with whom they had a close blood relationship, and instead supporting Jomei, with whom they had no particular connection. After Emperor Jomei died in 641 (the 13th year of Emperor Jomei's reign), an empress ascended to the throne (Empress Kogyoku), and Yamashiro's hopes were betrayed once again, which further strained the relationship between the Soga clan and Yamashiro. In 643 (the 2nd year of Emperor Kogyoku), Soga no Iruka completely wiped out Yamashiro no Oe's family at Ikaruga Palace, and this incident prompted anti-Soga forces to rapidly gather together. It is impossible not to acknowledge the spread of such anti-Soga sentiment behind the easy overthrow of the Soga clan in the coup d'état of 645 (the 1st year of the Taika era). This coup provided an opportunity for the introduction of the Ritsuryo system, which was the first national reform since the reign of Empress Suiko, and the central figures in this were Prince Nakano Oe and Nakatomi no Kamatari. The reigns of Emperor Jomei and Emperor Kogyoku could be said to be a period in which the direction of national reform that had been in place since the 6th century was continued under the leadership of the Soga clan, but the coup d'état of 645 brought about a major revision of this policy.

[Hiromichi Mayuzumi]

Taika Reforms

The series of political reforms that began as a result of this coup are known as the Taika Reforms. Why then was it necessary to attempt new reforms? As for domestic factors, the reforms since the 6th century did not completely overcome the clan-based order, and especially during the period of the Soga clan's sole authority, the status quo was solidified, and the direction of reform centered on the Emperor was forced to stagnate. The work to break the status quo and further strengthen national power had to begin with the elimination of the Soga clan and then the attempt to adopt the Ritsuryo system of the Sui and Tang dynasties. In order to thoroughly centralize power, this had to be achieved before anything else. As for external factors, we must also look at the rapid expansionist policies of the Tang dynasty, which came to power in 618. The second emperor of the Tang dynasty, Taizong, resumed his campaign against Goguryeo. In 644, he personally attacked Goguryeo, took Liaodong Castle the following year, refused Goguryeo's apology, and attacked it again in 647. While the Taika Reforms were underway, from the late 650s to the early 660s (during the reign of Emperor Saimei and Emperor Tenji), the Tang allied with Silla to attack Baekje from both sides, defeating the combined Japanese and Baekje forces at Baekgang River, and not only occupying Baekje in 663, but destroying Goguryeo five years later. As a result, the situation in East Asia became extremely tense for Japan. Japan had to emulate the Tang's national system in order to counter the powerful enemy before it.

In any case, the reform of the national system proceeded gradually and steadily through the succession of policies implemented after the coup of 645. In this process, the most noteworthy aspect is the process by which the Ritsuryo system took root in Japan. For example, if we take the Ritsuryo system of official positions alone, the proposal for it was made during the Taika Reforms, but it took a quarter century until it was finally put into shape during the reign of Emperor Tenchi, who then underwent various revisions during the reign of Emperor Tenmu (672-685) after the Jinshin War (672), before finally reaching the finishing stage with the Taiho Ritsuryo Code of 701 (Taiho 1), which took more than half a century of time and effort. Fortunately, although the change in the national system since the 6th century was modeled after the Three Kingdoms of Korea, behind it were the Northern and Southern Dynasties of China, which were also closely connected to the national systems of the Sui and Tang dynasties. As a result, there was no fundamental gap between the national systems before and after the Taika period.

[Hiromichi Mayuzumi]

Emperor Tenmu and Empress Jitō

Under the leadership of Prince Nakano Oe (Emperor Tenchi), the reforms were forcibly pushed through, but shortly after his death, in 672, the Jinshin War broke out between Prince Otomo and his younger brother Oama, with the latter emerging victorious and becoming Emperor Tenmu. The reign of Tenmu saw the fall or decline of many powerful clans who sided with the Otomo as a result of the war, leading to a rapid rise in imperial power, the deification of the emperor, and the establishment of the ancient imperial system in general. After Tenmu's death, Empress Jito ascended to the throne (reigned 687-696), and during the two reigns of Tenmu and Jito, the outlines of the centralized state based on the Ritsuryo system, with the emperor at its center, which was the ultimate goal of the Taika Reforms, became clear. Empress Jitō then handed over the throne to her grandson Monmu (reigned 697-700), but continued to oversee politics as retired emperor, and in 701 saw the completion of the Taiho Code. The Taiho Code symbolized the completion of the Ritsuryo state, both in terms of form, as the two legal codes, Ritsuryo and Ryō, were compiled, and in terms of content, as it was compiled by making full use of the political efforts, experience, and knowledge accumulated since the Taika period. Jitō and Monmu passed away soon after, and Monmu's mother, Empress Genmei (reigned 707-715), succeeded her, moving the capital from Fujiwara-kyō to Heijo-kyō in 710 (Wadō 3), marking the end of the Asuka period and the beginning of the Nara period.

[Hiromichi Mayuzumi]

culture

It is common to distinguish between the culture centered around the reign of Empress Suiko as Asuka culture and the culture centered around the reign of Emperor Tenmu and Empress Jitō as Hakuho culture.

[Hiromichi Mayuzumi]

Asuka culture

The introduction of Buddhism from Baekje in the middle of the 6th century had a decisive impact on Japanese culture, but in the period around the time of the reign of Empress Suiko, it must be said that this marked the birth of the first Buddhist culture in Japan. This was a highly international culture that was completely different from the traditional Kofun culture, and even though it had not yet been fully digested, it was full of healthy and fresh sensations. It was accepted and enjoyed by powerful clans and had almost no connection with the common people, but it contributed greatly to the rapid development of Japanese culture. In addition, there was also the influence of Chinese academic and cultural factors such as Chinese characters and Confucianism. The so-called Man'yōgana, which uses Chinese characters to write the national language, had already been invented and used, and it became possible to express Japanese in Chinese characters, although it was not very fluent. Buddhist thought was also particularly valued as a means of educating and unifying the people's minds, and the basic character of Buddhism as a religion that protects the nation and a means of governing the people was already destined for this era.

In addition, historical books such as "Tenno-ki" and "Koku-ki" written by Prince Shotoku and others in 620 (28th year of the reign of Empress Suiko) are also worthy of attention. For example, the use of "Tenno-ki" instead of "Teiki" was significant not only in terms of ideology but also in terms of diplomacy, as it was the first use of the title of Emperor. If "Koku-ki" describes the origins of the nation's establishment, it is a truly unprecedented book, and we can read in it the growth of the prince's historical and national consciousness.

Thus, during this period, the people of Asuka made an effort to actively absorb and assimilate foreign cultures, and also began to demonstrate their ability to do so. The characteristics of the Asuka culture that developed in this way can be said to be (1) a strong international character, (2) a focus on Buddhist art, (3) a culture of powerful clans and the ruling class, (4) a culture of a high level that cannot be compared to the Kofun culture, and (5) a culture that was ancient but healthy.

[Hiromichi Mayuzumi]

Hakuho Culture

After the Taika Reforms, as the pace of nation-building under the Ritsuryo system accelerated, a fresh culture different from the previous era was born. This is known as the Hakuho culture, but when compared to the previous Asuka culture, the Asuka culture was strongly influenced by the Six Dynasties of China and the content of the culture remains crude, whereas the Hakuho culture was influenced by the Sui and Tang dynasties, especially the early Tang dynasty, and was mature in content. Both cultures can be said to be rich in international flavor, but the differences in the Chinese culture that served as their background are also reflected in the differences between the two.

The Hakuho culture period was characterized from political, economic and social points of view by the establishment and development of the Ritsuryo system, the establishment of the Emperor system, and the completion of national control by the aristocratic class, which led to the creation of a fresh and lively culture backed by the strong national consciousness of the Emperor and the aristocrats. In this respect too, it is easy to see the remarkable characteristics of the Hakuho culture compared to the Asuka culture.

In the field of Japanese literature, after the Taika era, such excellent poets as Saimei, Tenchi, Nakatsusumera Mikoto, Fujiwara no Kamatari, and Nukata no Okimi appeared, and especially after the Jinshin War, many excellent works of waka poetry were published, reflecting the era in which great strides were being made toward the establishment of a new system, and this period, along with the previous one, marked a peak in the history of waka poetry.In Chinese literature, too, the preface to "Kaifuso," compiled at the end of the Nara period, records the rise of Chinese literature in the Omi period, and includes a poem composed by Prince Otomo at the beginning of the main text, but after the Jinshin War, with the establishment of the Taiho Code, efforts were made to revive literary prosperity once again. Chinese classics and classics were taught at universities, and Chinese poetry and prose were considered essential for the education of bureaucrats and aristocrats. However, it was not until the early Heian period that people were able to fully master Chinese literature.

[Hiromichi Mayuzumi]

People's Lives

Although Buddhism was introduced and a new culture was born, it had almost no direct impact on the lives of the common people. The common people continued to live in pit dwellings from the Yayoi and Kofun periods, and although some people lived in flat-land dwellings, dwellings on raised floors continued to be the preserve of the ruling class. This situation does not seem to have changed much even in the Nara and Heian periods.

As for clothing, men wore robes and hakama, and women wore robes and mo, and this basic combination remained unchanged until the Muromachi period. Relics from that period are scarce, and we can only guess from the haniwa clay figurines of people excavated from ancient tombs, Tenjukoku embroidery scrolls, and murals from the Takamatsuzuka Tomb. It is unclear how much jewelry and other accessories were popular among the common people.

The common people's diet may have been fairly well-balanced, with a variety of tableware and meals on special occasions being quite plentiful, but their daily diet was by no means plentiful. Even during the Nara period, the meals of commoners and lower-ranking officials consisted of one soup and one side dish, or at most one soup and two side dishes, which was quite meager.

In this era, wife-visiting marriage was common, and mothers and children formed a family unit, subsumed within the Yakara community of cohabiting relatives. However, as the idea of patrilineage gradually developed and men began to build wives' houses within women's houses and to commute to and stay there, the Yakara community, while at risk of collapse, began to expand. As this continued, the power of the chieftain to control it also grew, and the large house, which was the chief's office and the Yakara community's ritual and meeting place, also became larger. Within the society of the masses itself, the relationship of subordination between the chieftain and his members was also growing.

[Hiromichi Mayuzumi]

"Japanese History 3: The Asuka Imperial Court" by Inoue Mitsusada (1974, Shogakukan)" ▽ "Illustrated History of Japanese Culture 2: Asuka and Hakuho" edited by Ueda Masaaki (1979, Shogakukan)" ▽ "Illustrated History of Japanese Culture 2: The Asuka Period" revised edition edited by Kodama Kota et al. (1965, Shogakukan)" ▽ "Japanese History 2 : The Establishment of the Ancient Nation" by Naoki Kojiro (1965, Chuokoron-Shinsha)" ▽ "Japanese History 2" edited by Inoue Mitsusada et al. (1975, Iwanami Shoten)"

[References] | Asuka art | Jinshin War | Taika Reforms [Chronology] | Asuka period (Chronology)

The continent and Japan in the Asuka period
©Shogakukan ">

The continent and Japan in the Asuka period

Source: Shogakukan Encyclopedia Nipponica About Encyclopedia Nipponica Information | Legend

Japanese:

範囲と概観

「飛鳥時代」は元来、日本美術史上の時代区分であるが、これを政治史上の時代区分として用いることも多い。一般には推古(すいこ)朝（593～628）前後から大化改新（645）までとするのが普通であるが、これをさらに天智(てんじ)朝（662～671）ごろまで下げて考える説も美術史家の間には行われており、さらに時代を下げて平城遷都（710）までを飛鳥時代とみる説もある。ここでは、上記のうちもっとも広義の飛鳥時代を取り上げることとする。この時期の皇居の所在地をみると、推古天皇の豊浦宮(とゆらのみや)、小墾田宮(おはりだのみや)、舒明天皇(じょめいてんのう)の岡本宮(おかもとのみや)、皇極天皇(こうぎょくてんのう)の板蓋宮(いたぶきのみや)、斉明天皇(さいめいてんのう)の川原宮(かわらのみや)、天武天皇(てんむてんのう)の浄御原宮(きよみはらのみや)などはいずれも飛鳥の地にあり、天武のあとの持統、文武(もんむ)2天皇の藤原京も飛鳥の域内ないしその北方に隣接して存在し、この間、皇居が飛鳥以外に移ったのは、わずかに孝徳(こうとく)朝の10年足らず（難波(なにわ)）と天智朝の5年余り（大津）の計15年ほどで、この時代の政治、文化の中心はおおむね飛鳥にあったので、この時期を飛鳥時代とよぶ。

　広義の飛鳥時代は、したがって仏教伝来（538）以降、平城遷都以前と言い換えることもできるが、まさに仏教伝来に伴う新文化の成立発展こそが、この時代を前代の古墳時代と区別する指標である。古墳は8世紀初頭まで営造されるが、飛鳥時代は古墳時代の後期および終末期に相当するという意味で、古墳文化の終焉(しゅうえん)を促した時代だともいえる。

　また大化改新以後は政治、経済、社会の各方面に大きな変革が試みられ、それに伴って時代の様相も大きく変化したので、この時代を大化改新を境に前後の2期に分けて考えるのが便利であろう。

　総じて広義の飛鳥時代は、大和国家(やまとこっか)が豪族の連合政権的性格を脱して統一的中央集権国家、天皇制律令(りつりょう)国家へと飛躍するための模索と、試行錯誤と、そして努力の、積み重ねの時代ということになるであろう。

［黛　弘道］

政治・外交

6世紀の日本

およそ4、5世紀のころいちおう成立した日本の古代国家は、すでに朝鮮半島に勢力を伸ばし、任那(みまな)諸国を支配し、高句麗(こうくり)、新羅(しらぎ)、百済(くだら)などの諸国に威圧を加えていたが、やがて新羅が興隆し、日本の出先官憲の失政が重なり、任那諸国の離反が相次ぐなどのことがあり、日本の対朝鮮政策は大きな困難に直面した。その結果、562年には任那が最終的に新羅の勢力下に入り、日本は朝鮮半島における重要な足掛りを失うことになった。『古事記』や『日本書紀』によって5世紀から6世紀にかけての国内政情を眺めると、大和(やまと)の王権をめぐる皇族間の相克が激化し、またそれに絡んで豪族間でも利益の対立が深刻となり、血なまぐさい殺戮(さつりく)が繰り返され、その結果、仁徳(にんとく)系の皇統が断絶し、そのあとに、前王朝とはまったく血縁関係がないか、あったとしてもきわめて疎遠な継体天皇(けいたいてんのう)が、6世紀の初めに擁立されることとなった。また、この間に葛城(かずらき)、平群(へぐり)という二つの大臣(おおおみ)家が滅亡し、継体擁立に功のあった大連(おおむらじ)の大伴金村(おおとものかなむら)が全盛期を迎えた。しかし、それも長続きせず、欽明(きんめい)朝にはこれを蹴(け)落とすような形で大連の物部(もののべ)氏が台頭し、一方で蘇我(そが)氏が大臣となり皇室との婚姻関係を背景に勢力を振るうに至った。このような有力氏族の盛衰は大和政権の外交政策を混乱させ、朝鮮半島の出先官憲の失態と相まって、日本の威信の急激な低下を招くこととなった。

　もともと当時の日本の政治体制は、大王(おおきみ)（天皇）の主宰する大和政権が全国各地の王たちを国造(くにのみやつこ)と名づけて統率し、あまり強固とはいえない連合体を形づくっていたのであり、統一された中央集権国家からはほど遠い体制にあった。これに対して新羅は、すでに6世紀初頭の法興王(ほうこうおう)の時代に早くも中国の律令制(りつりょうせい)を導入して中央集権的統一国家建設に力強く歩み出していた。5～6世紀における国の内外の諸情勢からみれば、日本の朝鮮半島からの敗退は当然の帰結であった。この現実に直面した日本の支配層は、国制の転換を真剣に追求するに至った。

　6世紀の大和政権は、筑紫国造(つくしのくにのみやつこ)磐井(いわい)の乱鎮定を契機に、以後、国造領を割くなどして直轄領としての屯倉(みやけ)を全国各地に設置することにより、軍事、経済、交通上の要衝を押さえ、また国造の一族子弟を召して大王の親衛軍を編成し、ときに中央から役人を派遣して税の徴収にあたらせるなど、在地支配者たる国造の権威を削り、その被官化、官僚化を図っている。また大和政権内部においては、職業分業組織としての伴造(とものみやつこ)・品部(しなべ)制が地域的に拡大されるとともに、制度そのものの拡充による官司制の発達が顕著な事象として認識される。これらは、いずれも大和政権による中央集権化の動向を示すものであるが、このような国制転換の動機の一つが、先に述べた国の内外諸情勢にあることはすでに明らかである。なお、6世紀における群集墳の発達が在地における中層以上の農民の成長を反映するものとすれば、従来の族長層と農民との関係に変化がおこったと推測するほかはなく、その変化は従来の支配体制の維持を困難とするわけで、大和政権でいえば、国造層は大和政権への被官化を強め、その権力を背景に在地の情勢の変化に対応するという方策をとらなければならなかった。

　6世紀――それは天皇でいえば、継体(けいたい)、安閑(あんかん)、宣化(せんか)、欽明(きんめい)、敏達(びだつ)、用明(ようめい)、崇峻(すしゅん)の7代と推古(すいこ)朝の初頭を含む――という時代は、大和政権が国制を転換して政権を強化し、行政機構を充実して中央集権的、官僚制的な方向に歩み始めた時代ということができる。

［黛　弘道］

推古朝

これを受けた推古朝の政治は、同一路線のうえをさらに前進する。まず内政面では、第一に冠位十二階の制定（603年＝推古天皇11）をあげることができる。これは徳、仁、礼、信、義、智という儒教の徳目をおのおの大小に分けて十二階とし、階ごとに冠の材料や色を別にし、冠によってその人の等級を明らかにしようとするもので、日本の位階制の起源としても画期的な意味をもつ。従来、朝廷が豪族に与えた姓(かばね)は、氏々の間の序列を定め、氏姓社会の秩序を維持するためのものであったが、冠位は官人としての個人に与えられ、一代限りであり、しかも功績、才能によって昇進が可能であった。すなわち、冠位は官人の秩序を整えるもので、官司制的な方向を推し進めてきた結果、広範に官人群が出現した状況に即応するくふう、施策にほかならなかった。冠位の授受は君臣関係の確認、豪族の官僚化を意味するから、これに抵抗するものもあり（たとえば蘇我氏）、冠位制の施行は一挙に実現したのではない。その全国的施行は大化以後であり、そこに推古朝政治の一つの限界があった。

　第二は十七条憲法である。これについても問題は多い。たとえば憲法の真偽について江戸時代以来議論があるが、ここでは聖徳太子の真撰(しんせん)説に従いたい。憲法全体を通じて注意されるのは、そこに示された政治思想のいくつかである。まず、国家の構成要素として君、臣、民の三つをあげ、とくにこのなかの臣すなわち官僚に対して守るべき規律、従うべき道徳を示しているのであるが、ここには太子の描いた国家像と、彼が求めた君臣関係の理想像が示されている。そこに国造を含めた豪族の臣僚化に対応する国家の理想像を認めることができるであろう。憲法を構成する政治思想の第一は儒教であるが、そこでは民は初めから支配される対象にすぎず、したがって徳による人民支配は臣のよるべき道徳にほかならなかった。しかし、憲法にはまた法家の思想も顕著に認められる。儒家が礼による調和を重んずるのに対して、法家は君主権の絶対優先をたてまえとし、ときに儒教的秩序への干渉をも辞さない。太子が法家思想を重視していることもその国家観を知る手掛りとなろう。

　第三に推古朝前後の国制としての国県(くにあがた)制について触れてみたい。『隋書(ずいしょ)』によると日本には軍尼(くに)が120あり、10の伊尼翼(いなき)（冀の誤り）が1の軍尼に属するという。軍尼は国で、すなわち国造のこと、伊尼翼は稲置で県稲置(あがたのいなぎ)のことと考えられるから、当時の日本ではいわば国県制ともよぶべき地方行政制度が行われていたと推測する説がある。一方、『隋書』の記事は史実とかけ離れたものと考える説もあるが、少なくとも畿内(きない)周辺や東国の一部などにはこれが施行された可能性はある。国県制が大和政権の直轄領的地域に行われたとすると、そこでは中央集権的な行政の貫徹が想像できる。これは、6世紀にすでにみられた方向をいっそう強力に推進した政策とみることができるが、このような制度の手本も、またすでに朝鮮三国にあったのである。このように推古朝は、一君万民思想、王民思想が強調され、その具体化の方策が示されたばかりでなく、限界はあるが、それが実施された時代としてとらえられる。

　次に推古朝の外交について考えてみよう。581年北周の譲りを得て建国した隋は、589年に中国を統一するが、618年には滅亡し、かわって唐王朝が建設される。隋、唐の二大帝国は周辺の諸国家、諸民族に強い影響を与えるが、日本もその例外ではなかった。さて推古朝の初期には、新羅出兵、任那回復の国是により軍事外交が展開されるのであるが、皇族を将軍とした再度の遠征がいわば内部崩壊という形で失敗に終わったこと、当の新羅が隋の冊封(さくほう)体制内に入ったことなどの理由で方針の転換を迫られ、隋との国交に重心を置く外交政策への切り換えが図られた。『隋書』にしかみえない600年（推古天皇8）の日本からの遣使、607年と608年の両度にわたる小野妹子(おののいもこ)の派遣、614年の犬上御田鍬(いぬがみのみたすき)の派遣、すなわち遣隋使の派遣には、前記のような東アジア外交の背景があった。新羅が隋との間に宗属(そうぞく)関係を結んだ以上、これを討つことは隋への敵対行為とみなされるからである。このことは、隋が滅び、唐の勢力がいまだ安定しなかった623年、日本がまたまた新羅出兵を企てたが、やがて唐を中心に東アジアの外交関係が安定してくると、ふたたび630年（舒明天皇2）から大陸との直接外交（遣唐使の派遣）へと方針を切り換えている事実からも裏づけられる。

　ただ、中国外交における朝鮮三国と日本との相違点は、日本が対等外交の路線を主張したことであろう。600年の使者は、倭王(わおう)は阿毎多利思比孤(あめたりしひこ)であり阿輩鶏弥(おほきみ)と号すといっているし、607年の国書では「日出づる処(ところ)の天子」（『隋書』）と称し、翌年には「東の天皇」（『日本書紀』）を名のっている。日本の主権者が大君とか天子とか、さらには天皇とか名のった背景には、日本神話の成立（天皇は太陽神天照大神(あまてらすおおみかみ)の子孫）と、それを可能にした6世紀における国勢の著しい上昇発展、6世紀いっぱい中国との外交が中断した結果、5世紀以前の従属的関係を忘却ないし無視しえたことなど、さまざまの要因をあげることができよう。対中国外交においても6世紀という時代のもつ意味は大きかったのである。

［黛　弘道］

舒明・皇極朝

622年聖徳太子が亡くなると政治の主導権は蘇我氏に帰し、628年推古女帝亡きあとの皇嗣(こうし)についても、蘇我蝦夷(そがのえみし)の強力な推挙を得て舒明天皇(じょめいてんのう)が即位するなど、蘇我氏全盛時代が展開する。もとより蘇我氏は、6世紀以来の国制の改革に指導的役割を担ってきたいきさつもあり、太子亡きあとふたたび政界のリーダーとなったことに不思議はない。ただ舒明天皇擁立にあたって太子の遺児山背大兄王(やましろのおおえのおう)を抑えたことは、あとあとまで問題を残す結果となった。蘇我氏としては重なる血縁関係に連なる山背を避け、取り立てて因縁のない舒明を推したことには、それなりの理由があったのであろう。その舒明天皇が641年（舒明天皇13）に没したのちに皇后が即位し（皇極天皇(こうぎょくてんのう)）、山背の期待がふたたび裏切られたことで蘇我氏と山背の仲はいっそう険悪となった。643年（皇極天皇2）蘇我入鹿(そがのいるか)は山背大兄王一家を斑鳩宮(いかるがのみや)にことごとく滅ぼしてしまうが、この事件をきっかけに反蘇我勢力は急速に結集する。645年（大化1）のクーデターによって蘇我氏がいとも簡単に倒れた背景に、このような反蘇我的感情の広がりを認めないわけにはいかない。このクーデターによって、推古朝以来の国制改革に律令制の導入という契機が与えられることとなったが、その中心人物が中大兄皇子(なかのおおえのおうじ)、中臣鎌足(なかとみのかまたり)らであった。舒明・皇極朝は、蘇我氏領導のもとに6世紀以来の国制改革の方向が継続された時期といってよいが、645年のクーデターはこの方針に大きな修正を加えるものとなった。

［黛　弘道］

大化改新

このクーデターをきっかけに開始された一連の政治改革を大化改新という。ではなぜ新たな改革が試みられなければならなかったのであろうか。国内的要因としては、6世紀以来の改革が完全に族制的秩序を克服するものではなく、とくに蘇我氏専権時代にはむしろ現状の固定化が図られ、天皇を中心とする改革の方向は停滞を余儀なくされた。国力のよりいっそうの充実を図るための現状打破工作は蘇我氏の排除と、しかるのちに隋・唐の律令制を採用導入する試みに始まらなければならなかった。中央集権化を徹底するためには、これがなによりも先に実現されねばならなかったのである。さらに外的要因としては、618年に興った唐の、その後における急激な膨張政策にも目を向けておく必要がある。唐の第2代皇帝太宗(たいそう)は、改めて高句麗(こうくり)討伐を再開する。644年自ら高句麗を討ち、翌年遼東(りょうとう)城を抜き、ついで高句麗の謝罪を拒否し、647年ふたたびこれを討伐している。大化改新事業の進行中、650年代の末から660年代の初めにかけて（斉明(さいめい)・天智(てんじ)朝）唐は新羅と結んで百済を挟撃し、日本・百済連合軍を白村江(はくすきのえ)に撃破し、663年百済を占領したばかりか、それから5年後には高句麗をも滅ぼしてしまうが、この結果東アジアの情勢は日本にとってきわめて緊迫したものとなった。日本は眼前の強大な敵、唐に対抗するために唐の国制を見習わなければならなかった。

　ともかく645年のクーデター以後次々に実施された諸政策の積み重ねによって国制改革は徐々に、そして着実に進められていった。その際、なによりも注目されるのは律令制度の日本への定着の過程であろう。たとえば律令の官職体系一つを取り上げてみても、その案がつくられたのは大化改新のときであるが、それがいちおうの形を整えたのは四半世紀を経た天智朝であり、それがさらに壬申(じんしん)の乱（672）後の天武(てんむ)朝（672～685）で種々の修正を受け、701年（大宝1）の大宝(たいほう)律令で最終的な仕上げの段階に到達するのであり、その間半世紀以上の時日と努力を要しているのである。ただ幸いなことに6世紀以来の国制の転換は朝鮮三国に倣ったものであったが、その背後には中国の南北朝があり、それはまた隋・唐の国制にも密接なつながりがあったので、結果として大化の前後の国制に根本的なギャップを生ぜしめなかった。

［黛　弘道］

天武・持統朝

中大兄皇子（天智天皇）の領導のもと改革は強引に推進されたが、その没後まもなく672年大友皇子(おおとものおうじ)と皇弟大海人(おおあま)との間に壬申の戦乱が勃発(ぼっぱつ)し、後者が勝利を得て天武天皇となった。天武朝は、乱の結果大友方についた大豪族が没落ないし衰微したこともあって、天皇権力の急上昇、ひいては天皇の神格化、総じて古代天皇制の確立をもたらすこととなった。天武の没後皇后持統(じとう)が即位する（在位687～696）が、この天武・持統2代の間に、大化改新がその究極の目標とした天皇を中心とする律令制中央集権国家はその輪郭を明らかにする。ついで持統天皇は孫の文武(もんむ)（在位697～700）に位を譲ったが、なお太上天皇として政治を後見し、701年には大宝律令の完成をみることになる。この大宝律令は、律と令の2法典がそろったという形式的な点でも、また大化以来の政治努力と経験と知識とをフルに生かして編集したという内容的な面でも、まさに律令国家の完成を象徴するものであった。まもなく持統、文武は相次いで世を去り、その後を受けた文武の母元明天皇(げんめいてんのう)（在位707～715）が710年（和銅3）都を藤原京から平城京へ移すに及んで、飛鳥時代はその終わりを告げ、奈良時代が始まるのである。

［黛　弘道］

文化

　推古(すいこ)朝を中心とする文化を飛鳥文化、天武(てんむ)・持統(じとう)朝を中心とするそれを白鳳(はくほう)文化とよんで区別するのが一般である。

［黛　弘道］

飛鳥文化

6世紀の中ごろ百済(くだら)から仏教が伝えられたことはその後の日本文化に決定的ともいうべき影響を与えたが、推古朝前後についてみれば、これにより、日本で最初の仏教文化が誕生したことをあげなければならない。これは従来の古墳文化とはまったく異質な、国際性豊かな高度の文化であり、まだ十分に消化したものではないにしても、健康的で新鮮な感覚にあふれていた。それは豪族により受容され享受されたもので、人民とはほとんど無縁であったが、日本文化の飛躍的発展に資するところは大きかった。そのほか、漢字、儒教など中国の学術、文化の影響にもみるべきものがあった。すでに漢字を用いて国語を表記するいわゆる万葉仮名も考案使用されるようになり、不自由ながら日本語を漢字で表現できるに至った。仏教思想も、人心の教化統一の手段としてとくに重んじられ、仏教の護国宗教、人民支配の一手段という基本的性格もすでにこの時代に運命づけられている。

　なお、620年（推古天皇28）聖徳太子らの撰(せん)になる『天皇記』『国記』以下の歴史書も注目に値する。たとえば『帝記』にかえて『天皇記』としたことは、天皇称号の始用という点で思想面のみならず外交面でも十分意味があった。『国記』も国家成立の由来を述べたものとすれば、まさに空前の書で、そこに太子における歴史意識、国家意識の成長を読みとることもできよう。

　こうして、この時代にはともかくも外来文化を積極的に摂取し、さらにそれを消化しようと努力し、またその能力を示し始めている。こうして展開される飛鳥文化の特性は、(1)国際的性格が濃厚、(2)仏教芸術が基調、(3)豪族、支配層の文化、(4)古墳文化とは比較にならない高度な文化、(5)古拙であるが健全な文化、などの諸点にあるとしてよいであろう。

［黛　弘道］

白鳳文化

大化改新以後、律令(りつりょう)国家建設のテンポが進むにつれて、前代とは異なる清新な文化が生まれてきた。これが白鳳文化といわれるものであるが、前代の飛鳥文化と比較してみると、飛鳥文化は中国六朝(りくちょう)の影響を強く受けたもので、文化の内容には稚拙さをとどめてもいるが、白鳳文化には隋・唐の、とくに初唐の影響が認められ、内容的にも成熟したものとなった。いずれも国際色豊かな文化といえるが、背景となった中国文化の相違が両者の差にも表れているのである。

　白鳳文化期を政治、経済、社会的な面から特色づけるものは、律令制の成立発展であり、天皇制の確立、貴族階級による全国支配の完成であるが、ここに天皇、貴族らの強烈な国家意識を裏づけとする清新溌剌(はつらつ)たる文化が創造されることとなった。飛鳥文化と比べて、この点でも白鳳文化に顕著な特色をみることは容易であろう。

　国文学の分野をみても、大化後になると斉明(さいめい)、天智(てんじ)、中皇命(なかつすめらみこと)、藤原鎌足(ふじわらのかまたり)、額田王(ぬかだのおおきみ)らの優れた歌人が輩出し、とくに壬申(じんしん)の乱後ともなれば、新体制の樹立に向かって大きく前進を始めた時代を反映して和歌にも数々の秀作が発表され、和歌史上、前の時期とともに一つのピークを形づくった。漢文学においても、奈良朝末に編まれた『懐風藻(かいふうそう)』の序には近江(おうみ)朝における漢文学の興隆を記し、本文冒頭には大友皇子の作詩を載せているが、壬申の乱後、大宝律令に至り、ふたたび文運の復興が図られた。大学において漢文、経学が教授されることとなり、官僚貴族の教養として漢詩文は必須(ひっす)のものとされた。ただし、漢文学を十分にこなすには、なお平安初期をまたなければならなかった。

［黛　弘道］

民衆の生活

仏教が伝来し新しい文化が生まれたといっても、民衆の生活に直接の影響を及ぼすことはほとんどなかった。民衆は弥生(やよい)・古墳時代から引き続いて竪穴(たてあな)式住居をすみかとし、一部に平地式住居を営むものもあったが、高床(たかゆか)式住居は依然として支配階級のものであった。この状況は奈良・平安時代に至ってもあまり変わらなかったようである。

　衣料も前代以来、男は衣(きぬ)、袴(はかま)、女は衣(きぬ)、裳(も)を着用したが、この基本的な組合せは室町時代に至るまで変わらなかった。当代の遺品は乏しく、古墳出土の人物埴輪(はにわ)や天寿国繍帳(てんじゅこくしゅうちょう)、高松塚古墳の壁画などから推測するほかはない。玉類をはじめとするアクセサリーも庶民の間にどれほど行われたか、よくわからない。

　民衆の食生活は、ある程度食器の種類も整い、ハレの日の食事などはかなり豊かな内容をもったかもしれないが、日常の食生活はけっして豊かといえるものではなかったであろう。奈良時代でも庶民や下級官人の食事は一汁一菜か、せいぜい一汁二菜で、かなり貧弱であった。

　この時代は妻訪婚(つまどいこん)が盛行し、実の母子が家族の単位をなし、同居親族たるヤカラ共同体に包摂されて存在したが、しだいに父系観念が発達し、男性が女性の屋敷内に妻屋(つまや)を建てて通ったり、滞在するようになると、ヤカラ共同体は崩壊の危機をはらみながらも、かえって膨張していく。それにつれて、それを統制する族長権も大きくなり、族長の詰め所であり、ヤカラ共同体の祭祀(さいし)・集会場たる大屋(おおや)も大きなものとなる。民衆社会そのものにも族長と族人の統属関係が成長しつつあったのである。

［黛　弘道］

『井上光貞著『日本の歴史3　飛鳥の朝廷』（1974・小学館）』▽『上田正昭編『図説日本文化の歴史2　飛鳥・白鳳』（1979・小学館）』▽『児玉幸多他編『図説日本文化史大系2　飛鳥時代』改訂新版（1965・小学館）』▽『直木孝次郎著『日本の歴史2　古代国家の成立』（1965・中央公論社）』▽『井上光貞他編『日本歴史2』（1975・岩波書店）』

[参照項目] | 飛鳥美術 | 壬申の乱 | 大化改新[年表] | 飛鳥時代（年表）

飛鳥時代の大陸と日本

出典　小学館　日本大百科全書(ニッポニカ)日本大百科全書(ニッポニカ)について　情報 | 凡例

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