A class of workers who enjoy higher wages and a stable social status than ordinary workers, and who have become petty bourgeois in terms of their way of life. This privileged stratum of the working class is the basis for the formation of the labor bureaucracy. The labor bureaucracy refers to officials who hold leading positions within labor unions, political parties, and other labor-related organizations, but who are separated from the masses of workers, bureaucratized, and take an opportunistic line. According to Lenin, who developed the theory of the labor aristocracy as a way of explaining the characteristics of the labor movement in the imperialist stage, as the contradictions of imperialism intensify, the ruling class strengthens its repressive mechanisms while cultivating a privileged class within the working class to divide it. Historically, since the second half of the 19th century, monopoly capital in developed capitalist countries such as Britain has acquired huge special excess profits through economic and political privileges both at home and abroad, and has used this as an economic base to improve the economic and social status of upper-class workers, mainly skilled workers such as mechanics. With the labor aristocracy thus formed as a base, labor bureaucrats functioned as "the true pawns of the bourgeoisie within the labor movement, the labor lieutenants of the capitalist class, and the true transmitters of reformism and chauvinism," and thus established themselves as "the main social pillar of the bourgeoisie" (Lenin). However, as a result of the intensification of the struggle between imperialist countries, the intensification of internal contradictions, and the growing strength of the socialist trend, it is no longer possible today to have a stable opportunistic trend based on a broad labor aristocracy, as was seen in England in the second half of the 19th century. In particular, as a result of technological innovation and the mechanization and automation of the production process, the status of the 19th century labor aristocracy, which was based on special skills, has declined decisively. On the other hand, however, the quantitative growth of labor organizations and the expansion of the state's field of economic activity have created the foundation for the creation of many labor bureaucrats. [Kenji Tomizawa] "Imperialism" by Lenin, translated by Kisuke Utaka (Iwanami Bunko) Source: Shogakukan Encyclopedia Nipponica About Encyclopedia Nipponica Information | Legend |
一般の労働者よりも特別に高い賃金と安定した社会的地位を得て、生活意識面でも小ブルジョア化した労働者層。労働者階級中のこのような特権層を基盤として労働官僚が形成される。労働官僚とは、労働組合、政党その他の労働者関係の諸機関の内部で指導的地位にありながら、労働者大衆から分離し、官僚化し、日和見(ひよりみ)主義的路線をとる幹部をさす。 帝国主義段階の労働運動の特徴を説明しうるものとして労働貴族論を展開したレーニンによれば、帝国主義の諸矛盾が激化するのに伴い、支配階級は、抑圧機構を強化する一方、他方では労働者階級内に特権層を育成することによって労働者階級の分裂工作を行うようになる。歴史的にみると、19世紀後半以降、イギリスをはじめとする発達した資本主義諸国の独占資本は、内外にわたる経済的・政治的特権を通じて膨大な特別超過利潤を獲得し、それを経済的基盤として機械工などの熟練労働者を中心とする上層労働者の経済的・社会的地位を向上させることができた。このようにして形成された労働貴族を基盤として労働官僚が、「労働運動の内部におけるブルジョアジーの真の手先、資本家階級の労働副官、改良主義と排外主義の真の伝達者」として機能することによって「ブルジョアジーの主要な社会的支柱」(レーニン)が確立されるに至った。 しかし、帝国主義諸国間の闘争の激化、国内矛盾の激化、社会主義的潮流の強大化などの結果、今日では、19世紀後半のイギリスでみられたような広範な労働貴族層を基盤とする安定した日和見主義的潮流の存在は不可能となった。とりわけ技術革新、生産過程の機械化・自動化の結果、特殊な熟練に基づく19世紀的労働貴族層の地位は決定的に低下した。しかし他面では、労働者諸組織の量的成長、国家の経済的活動分野の拡大などが、多くの労働官僚を生み出す基盤をつくりだしている。 [富沢賢治] 『レーニン著、宇高基輔訳『帝国主義』(岩波文庫)』 出典 小学館 日本大百科全書(ニッポニカ)日本大百科全書(ニッポニカ)について 情報 | 凡例 |
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